Sir Francis Drake: A Pictorial Biography by Hans P. Kraus
The Catalogue of the Collection
- PRINTED BOOKS
- MAPS AND VIEWS
- MEDALS AND PORTRAITS
ALL SECTIONS ARE ARRANGED CHRONOLOGICALLY
MEMORIA de la
Costa Rica del Mar del norte [with three other narratives].
Manuscript on paper, written in clear and legible cursive script.
30 lines. 24 pp. Folio (308 x 220 mm.). Stains in lower margins;
back margins frayed (texts not affected).
Spain, last quarter of the 16th century.
The four distinct narratives in this manuscript are all of great
interest, and two of them (especially Nos. 3 and 4, below) are
valuable sources for history. They are:
- Memoria de la Costa Rica del mar del norte Dende
la ciudad de Granada los Puertos y Rios son los siguientes. (Pp.
- Relacion delas provincias del Piru y dela gente
y disposicion dellas y costas y caminos por donde se navegan
y andan. (Pp. 5-16)
- Gallego de Andrade, Hernán Lamero. Declaracion
del estrecho de Magallanes. (Pp. 17-20)
See illus. p. 116
- Silva, Nunho da. Relacion del viage del corsario
yngles que dio el piloto Nuño de Silva ante su excelencia
del Virrey de Mexico a 20 de Mayo de 79. [Side note:] Llama
se Franc[is]o Drac este cossario. (Pp. 20-24)
See illus. pp. 107-108
All the above narratives could have been composed at about the
same date--some time during the twenty years after da Silva's deposition
of 1579 on his voyage with Drake. This time limit is shown by internal
evidence which can be deduced from close study of the information
recorded in each passage.
Although there was not much communication between the dominions
of Spain in America, these documents cover a wide geographical
area. The manuscript must therefore have been written in Spain
rather than America; in all likelihood it is a series of direct
transcriptions from reports originally composed in the New World.
The assembly of the passages in one continuous text suggests that
the manuscript was intended to serve as a digest of important information
for some dignitary in the Spanish administration, e.g. the
President of the Council of the Indies, or one or more royal secretaries,
for use at council meetings. The combination of texts, at first
sight rather odd, indicates that the subject of such meetings must
have been the exclusion of foreigners like Drake from the Pacific
coast of Spanish America. Thus No. 1, which describes both coasts
of much of Central America, would concern defense against any attempt
to cross the continent at its narrowest point, "America being shaped
somewhat like an hourglass". 1 Drake
had raided extensively in this area in 1572-1573. No. 2 analyzes
the wealth and communications of the Viceroyalty of Peru, which
had been the main target of Drake's attack. No. 3 contains up-to-date
and unpublished first-hand information on the Strait of Magellan,
through which Drake had entered the Pacific. No. 4 is a first-hand
account of Drake's incursion: moreover, it may be significant that
it terminates as soon as its narrative takes Drake well clear of
- A detailed description of the coasts of Central America, including
both the Atlantic and the Pacific shores. The portions covered
comprise parts of the coasts of the present-day states of El
Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama. In every
paragraph interesting and valuable information upon anchorages,
winds, landmarks and access is given: the account is plainly
intended to help in assessing the possibilities for commerce
and navigation in the area. This original, first-hand description
of these coasts appears to be otherwise unknown. It has been
compared with accounts already printed, such as that of the coasts
of El Salvador, Nicaragua and Costa Rica written in 1576 by the
pioneer maritime writer Dr. García de Palacio, and that
drawn up by the royal cosmographer Juan López de Velasco
from the body of source material on American geography collected
by Philip II around 1570. Although information from López
de Velasco's sources--the first attempt at a census in America--confirms
the accuracy of much of what is recorded in this manuscript,
it is clear that this account is an original one, hitherto unrecorded. 2 In
his account here of the Pacific coast the writer refers to
los llanos de Cheriqui q[ue] h]ay] muy lindo puerto
y antiguamente estaua poblado de españoles con vn capitan
que se llamaua Vadajos al qual mataron los yndios por quitalle
el oro... 3
This is a reference to Captain Gonzalo de Badajoz, who had accompanied
Nicuesa in his expedition to Tierra Firme in 1510. In 1515 he
tried to conquer this area of Coiba, which was on the Pacific
coast, to the west of the present city of Panama. He crossed
the watershed via the Chagres River (near the present Panama
Canal) and invaded Coiba. In early successes he captured booty
reputed to have been worth 80,000 gold pesos, but this was taken
back by the Indians when the cacique Parizo trapped and defeated
him. This gave Badajoz the dubious distinction of being the first
conquistador to be vanquished by Indians on the mainland of America.
However, he was not, in fact, killed by them (as this reference
claims): with very few men left, he struggled back, and had to
accept a position of subservience to the fiery governor of Castilla
del Oro, the dreaded Pedro Arias de Avila. 4 In
1526-1527 he served as Pedro Arias' lieutenant in the Governor's
newly founded settlement of Bruselas in Costa Rica. The Governor
described him as "persona antigua en la tierra e de esperiencia
e consejo." 5
- A description of the greater part of the Spanish vice-royalty
of Peru, indicating--among other things--the navigation from
the city of Panama to Callao, the port of Lima. The narrative
gives information on settlements, population and overland routes
in most of the present area of Peru, and also in much of what
is now Bolivia, Ecuador and Argentina (around Tucumán,
then included in Upper Peru). There are individual accounts of
Tumbez, Piura, Lima, Arequipa, Cuzco, La Paz, Potosí,
etc. The piece ends with brief mentions of Chile, the Strait
of Magellan and the provinces of the Río de la Plata.
Its concentration upon the population of the towns, and its racial
composition, shows that the account was written in response to
the questionnaire formulated by Philip II in 1568 to obtain information
for his pioneering census of America. When collected and arranged,
the resulting Relaciones geográficas were studied
by Philip II and the Council of the Indies. For many years regarded
as highly confidential documents, they were never printed as
a collection, although a number relating to Peru were assembled
and published by Marcos Jiménez de la Espada in the late
nineteenth century. As this description does not appear there
or anywhere else, it ranks as an unpublished source document
of considerable importance. For the purposes of the present study,
it is sufficient to note that its reference to the governing
audiencia of Chile shows that it was written some time before
the re-founding of that body in 1606: this provides an indisputable
terminus post quem for the whole document. 6
- This Declaracion of Hernán Gallego is certainly
the most striking piece in this manuscript. So far as we can
establish, it is unpublished and entirely unknown up to the
present day. Gallego describes in it the exploring expedition
sent to the Strait of Magellan in 1553 by the Governor of Chile,
Pedro de Valdivia. The Governor, who was killed that year in
battle with the Indians, had hoped to establish a direct route
to Spain through the Strait, which he could use to ship home
the gold and silver he expected to find in Chile. The expedition
was commanded by one Francisco de Ulloa, with Hernán Gallego
as its pilot: it had previously been known only through passing
references to it in the narratives of Juan Fernández de
Ladrillero's expedition of 1557-1558, in which Gallego also served
as pilot. Information about this expedition of 1553 was discovered
in the papers of Don Juan Bautista Muñoz, and printed
only in the Anuario Hidrográfico de Chile , in
1879, where it is stated that the Ulloa expedition had gone no
further south than 51° and that it probably reached only the
Nelson Strait. In 1895 Captain Fernández Duro was of the
opinion that it had reached a point 30 leagues up the Strait,
but could not prove it. As the 1879 account concludes, "como
no se ha conservado narración alguna, es poco menos que
imposible restablecer la verdad." 7 It
is, however, known that Valdivia believed that the Atlantic was
easily accessible frgm the Pacific, and hoped that Ulloa would
make rendezvous on the coast of Patagonia with another expedition,
sent out under Francisco de Villagra, which was to discover a
passage into the Atlantic believed to start near Villarrica,
Chile. 8 Apart
from this, the outcome of the voyage has remained unknown, as
no document explaining it was available for printing in any of
the relevant collections of documents--those of Markham (1911),
Father Pastells (1920) or Kosenblat (1950). 9 The
discovery of the present narrative dispels all this uncertainty.
In it, Gallego states that the expedition arrived at the entrance
to the Strait of Magellan in 52° south; that he and his companions
entered the Strait, and passed through it in four days; that
its total length was 100 leagues, more or less; and that they
arrived safely at the Atlantic end of the Strait. At that point
they were forced to turn back on account of a shortage of victuals.
When Gallego's ship reentered the Pacific, gales drove it to
55° south, and on the way back, she put into a harbor at 53½° south.
The narrative is detailed and accurate, containing much information
about the sailing directions followed, the landmarks and the
Indian inhabitants of the region. It is, therefore, a most important
addition to the literature of the exploration of America. There
were partial passages of the Strait of Magellan from west to
east by one of Don Alonso de Camargo's ships and by Sir Francis
Drake's companion John Winter in the Elizabeth (both
of which wintered in, or at the mouth of, the Strait, in 1540
and 1578 respectively, and then returned to the Atlantic). As
neither of them left the Strait on the Pacific side, they did
not have to face the problems of locating the western mouth among
the maze of islands at the southern end of the coast of Chile.
This difficulty, and not the strong current alleged to flow through
the Strait from east to west, was the real task with which a
ship proceeding from west to east had to contend. 10 It
has always been supposed that the first ship to accomplish the
full passage from west to east was that of Pedro Sarmiento de
Gamboa in 1579; but this document establishes the Ulloa-Gallego
expedition as the first to make the passage in that direction.
The later history of Hernán Gallego is most interesting,
as it brought him into close contact with the two other famous
pioneers mentioned, Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa and Sir Francis
Drake. His full name was Hernán Lamero Gallego de Andrade.
He served as pilot in the subsequent expedition of Juan Fernández
de Ladrillero to southern Chile and the Strait of Magellan in
1557-1558, but his greatest exploit was his service in the voyage
across the Pacific under Alvaro de Mandaña in 1568. The
Solomon Islands were discovered by this expedition, in which
Sarmiento also served. 11 Gallego
(Lamero) was the owner of one of the smaller ships on the Solomon
Islands voyage: this ship was captured by Francis Drake in 1578,
while on his voyage of circumnavigation. It was one of Drake's
luckier robberies, for from it he seized and took a large quantity
of gold, variously stated to have totalled from 24,000 up to
200,000 pesos. Shortly after this, Gallego was heavily criticized
for furnishing information about Drake so misleading that the
Viceroy of Peru, Don Francisco de Toledo, was induced to send
off Pedro Sarmiento on a wild goose chase to Panama in an effort
to intercept him. 12
- Nunho da Silva was a Portuguese from Oporto. In December 1577
he was sailing to Brazil with a cargo of wine when, near the
Cape Verde Islands, he was captured by Drake, who needed a pilot
skilled in the navigation of the coast of Brazil. Drake put a
prize crew into da Silva's vessel, which he renamed the Mary ,
and for the time being appointed Thomas Doughty to command her.
Witnesses described da Silva as "short, with a dark complexion
and...a long beard; not very gray...a man of rather less than
sixty years than more...", who could speak (or had been taught
by Drake) excellent English. He was treated with respect by Drake
and dined at his table. 13 He
more than returned this favor by completing Drake's charts, keeping
him informed, and bringing him successfully through the Strait
of Magellan: his up-to-date method of performing this difficult
feat has been analyzed in print. 14
He remained with Drake, sharing all his adventures, until April
13, 1579, when Drake dumped him at the port of Huatulco on the
Pacific coast of New Spain. There he was arrested by the Inquisition,
taken to Mexico City for trial and for examination by the Viceroy,
and rigorously interrogated: he was shipped as a prisoner to Spain,
in 1582. 15 The
present manuscript is a copy of a deposition made in Mexico City,
relating the events of the voyage. It does not contain da Silva's
testimony in its entirety, as the story given here ends with Drake's
arrival on the coast near Santiago de Chile in December 1578. The
termination of the narrative at this point in the present copy
is deliberate, since the better part of the last page has been
left blank: this much of the story may have been all that was officially
required for the purpose for which this document was written.
Hitherto only two texts of this deposition in the original Spanish
have been known--one in the Archivo General de Indias, Seville,
and one in the Museo Naval (previously the Depósito Hidrográfico),
Madrid, which is almost certainly an eighteenth-century copy of
the first. 16 Richard
Hakluyt used this text to print an abbreviated version of da Silva's
story in English as early as 1600; but this omits portions related
in this manuscript. 17
1. Thomas Fuller, "Life of
Sir Francis Drake," in his The Holy ...(and) The Profane
State (Cambridge, 1642), p. 135.
2. Diego García de
Palacio, "Relación..." (1576), in: Colección
de documentos inéditos para la historia de América ...(First
series), VI, pp. 5-40; Juan López de Velasco, Descripción
universal de las Indias , edited by Justo Zaragoza (Madrid,
1894); Gonzalo Menéndez-Pidal, Imagen del Mundo hacia
1570 (Madrid, 1944).
3. P. 4 in the present document.
4. Colección de
documentos inéditos ... América ,
II, XX, XXXVII, passim ; Sir Arthur Helps, The Spanish
Conquest of America (4 vols., London, 1900), I, p. 285;
Carl Ortwin Sauer, The early Spanish Main (Berkeley,
1966), pp. 256, 261, 270, 273.
5. Manuel María de
Peralta, Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo
XVI (Madrid, 1883), pp. 715, 720-724.
6. Marcos Jiménez
de la Espada, Relaciones geográficas de Indias: Perú (4
vols., Madrid, 1881-1897); López de Velasco, op. cit. ;
Ernesto Schäfer, El Consejo Real y Supremo de las Indias (2
vols., Seville, 1935-1947), II, pp. 504, 516-517; Howard F. Cline, "The Relaciones
Geográficas of the Spanish Indies, 1577-1586," in: Hispanic
American Historical Review , XLIV (1964), pp. 341-374.
7. Anuario Hidrográfico
de Chile , V (1879), p. 48; Cesáreo Fernández
Duro, Armada española desde la unión de los
reinos de Castilla y de Aragón (9 vols., Madrid,
1895-1903), I, p. 303.
8. Miguel Luis Amunátegui, Descubrimiento
i Conquista de Chile (Santiago de Chile, 1913), p. 311.
9. Sir Clements Markham (ed.), Early
Spanish Voyages to the Strait of Magellan (Hakluyt Society
Second Series, 28, London, 1911); Pablo Pastells (ed.), El
descubrimiento del Estrecho de Magallanes (2 vols., Madrid,
1920); Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Viajes al Estrecho de Magallanes,
1579-1584 , edited by Angel Rosenblat (2 vols., Buenos Aires,
10. Helen M. Wallis, "English
enterprise in the region of the Strait of Magellan," in: Merchants
and Scholars: essays in the history of exploration and trade collected
in memory of John Ford Bell , edited by John Parker (Minneapolis,
1965), p. 202.
11. Lord Amherst of Hackney
and Basil Thomson (eds.), The Discovery of the Solomon Islands
by Alvaro de Mendaña in 1568 (Hakluyt Society Second
Series 1 and 2, 2 vols., London, 1901), I, pp. xi-xiv; II, p. 451;
José Toribio Medina, El Piloto Juan Fernández ...(Santiago
de Chile, 1918), pp. 203-210. The document printed by Medina proves
the connection between Mendaña's pilot and the later exploits
of Gallego: Amherst and Thomson had thought that there might have
been two men of the same name, although they established a link
between Gallego and Ladrillero's expedition of 1557.
12. Amherst and Thomson,
I, p. xiii; Henry R. Wagner, Sir Francis Drake's voyage around
the world , p. 389.
13. Wagner, pp. 46, 337,
14. E. G. R. Taylor, "The
Dawn of modern Navigation," in: Journal of the Institute of
Navigation , I (1948).
15. W. S. W. Vaux (ed.), The
World Encompassed of Sir Francis Drake ...(Hakluyt Society
First Series, 16, London, 1854), pp. 175-176; Wagner, pp. 129,
16. Zelia Nuttall (ed.), New
Light on Drake (Hakluyt Society Second Series, 34, London,
1914), p. 256.
17. Richard Hakluyt, Principal
Navigations ...(3 vols., London, 1598-1600), III, pp. 742-748.
[See No. 30.]
TOLEDO, DON FRANCISCO DE, VICEROY OF PERU. Rel[aci]on
de la entrada q[ue] hizo por el estrecho el Navio yngles, y de
lo q[ue] se previno contra el. 3 leaves. Manuscript on paper.
Folio (307 x 220 mm.). Bound in full crimson morocco by Zaehnsdorf.
Los Reyes (Lima), 1579.
See illus. p. 112
The original draft of the letter from the Viceroy of Peru to
the Governor of the Río de la Plata (resident at Buenos
Aires) recounting Drake's depredations on the Pacific coast of
Spanish America during his voyage of circumnavigation and the measures
taken there against him. The numerous inter-linear and marginal
additions and correction throughout this version of the letter
prove that it is the original draft. This piece was probably written
from dictation, with the Viceroy indicating additions and cancellations
as he went along.
The letter states that a ship belonging to English raiders (in
Spanish parlance, corsarios --corsairs) had passed through
the Strait of Magellan in 1578 and had plundered a ship laden with
gold, in the harbor of Santiago de Chile. Toledo then complains
bitterly that the officials at Santiago had taken no steps to warn
him, so that when the raiders later arrived on the coast of Peru
they were able to capture mother treasure ship. At the time he
wrote this letter the Viceroy did not know that the English ship
was Drake's Golden Hind.
Here he announces that he is sending an expedition to the Strait
to see whether any English garrison had been left there, and to
discover a suitable place for a Spanish fort and settlement. He
proposes that the expedition pass through the Strait into the Atlantic
and spend the winter (July-August, in the southern hemisphere)
in the province of the Río de la Plata or its vicinity.
He requests the Governor to assist the two ships of the expedition,
to send any dispatches from it to him overland, by way of Tucumán,
and to inform him of any other English ships off the coasts of
the Río de la Plata. The letter of which this is the draft
was, of course, sent to La Plata by the overland route. Sarmiento
de Gamboa is not named here as the commander of the expedition,
probably because he had not been selected yet. The expedition encountered
many delays during its preparation: and in fact Sarmiento did not
receive his official appointment as its commander until October
9, 1579, only three days before it finally sailed. 1
This voyage by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa is important for a number
of reasons. It was the second traversal of the Strait of Magellan,
but the first in which an accurate survey and a detailed description
were made. It led to the first effort to establish a settlement
at the southernmost extremity of the American mainland--the ill-fated
colonization venture also led by Sarmiento, in 1581-1584. The first
west-to-east passage of the Strait of Magellan was that accomplished
by Hernán Lamero Gallego de Andrade in 1553--as demonstrated
by a newly discovered manuscript in this Collection, described
elsewhere. 2 The
same pilot, Gallego, navigated for Sarmiento in the expedition
envisaged here: in view of the great difficulty of the eastward
voyage through the Strait (for reasons ascertained and reasons
imagined), it is unlikely that the Viceroy would so readily have
taken up the idea of an expedition to reach the Atlantic from Peru
had he not known of Gallego's experience.
The present manuscript is, without any doubt, the draft which
was owned by Eugenio de Alvarado in 1768. It was then printed among
the preliminaries to the Sarmiento narrative of 1581-1583; the
texts agree completely, although Alvarado modernized the spelling
in his version. 3 From
this printing Sir Clements Markham made a translation which appears
in the volume he edited. 4 Father
Pastells noted and very briefly summarized what is apparently mother
copy of the dispatch; his version bears the date February 20, 1579. 5
Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa (1532-1592), "the Spanish Ulysses," was
one of the most outstanding explorers of the 16th century. He first
arrived in America in about 1555; he went first to Mexico and Guatemala
and then, in 1557, to Peru. He was chief pilot in the 1567-1569
expedition under Alvaro de Mendaña which crossed the Pacific
Ocean, discovering the Solomon Islands. Upon his return to Peru
he was appointed second in command of the force which pursued and
captured the last Inca, Tupac Amaru. He strongly favored the execution
of the latter, and wrote reports on the history of the Peruvian
Indians which enthusiastically supported the efforts of the great
Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo to prove that Spanish rule in Peru
was based on justice, and that far from subjecting the Indians
to terrorism and exploitation, it had rescued them from the tyranny
of the Incas. 6
The Viceroy appointed him, in 1579, first to pursue Drake, and
then to search for English garrisons reported to be holding the
Strait of Magellan. By his careful record of the voyage he pioneered
knowledge of the transit from west to east. The companion vessel
lost contact with him and returned to Valdivia. Sarmiento himself
continued, as instructed by Toledo, to the River Plate. Thence
he eventually reached Spain, after an adventurous voyage in which
he narrowly escaped capture near the Azores by Portuguese opposing
Philip II's assumption of the crown of Portugal. 7 On
making his report, Sarmiento was appointed by the King first governor
of a new colony to occupy the Strait (now renamed Strait of the
Mother of God) for Spain. The long preparation of this expedition,
which set out from Spain late in 1581 on board a fleet commanded
by Diego Flores Valdés, and its tragic vicissitudes in crossing
the Atlantic and attempting to found the planned settlements of
Nombre de Jesús and Don Felipe el Rey (Philippopolis) are
an epic in themselves. 8
When returning to Europe in 1586, in desperate haste to beseech
aid for his forgotten colonists at the Strait, Sarmiento was captured
off the Azores by a ship fitted out by Walter Ralegh. However,
in England he was made welcome by Ralegh and by Queen Elizabeth,
and after talking with both was released with a safe-conduct. Nevertheless,
on his way home through France he was captured near the Spanish
frontier by Huguenots. He languished in a noisome French dungeon
for three years, until late in 1589, by which time his failing
colony in the Strait had vanished altogether. Sarmiento's last
appointment was as second-in-command of a squadron of warships
instructed to escort the annual New Spain fleet to Vera Cruz; he
died at sea within a month or two of writing his last letter to
Philip II, dated from the mouth of the Guadalquivir on April 24,
1. Pablo Pastells, S. J.
(ed.), El descubrimiento del Estrecho de Magallanes (2
vols., Madrid, 1920), II, p. 862, no. 13.
2. See No. 1.
3. Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Viage
al Estrecho de Magallanes ...(Madrid, 1768).
4. Sir Clements Markham (ed.), Narratives
of the Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa to the Strait of
Magellan (Hakluyt Society First Series, 91, London, 1895),
5. Pastells, II, p. 861,
no. 9, printed from a manuscript in the Archivo de Indias, Seville,
1-1-1/32, no. 6.
6. Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Geschichte
des Inkareiches ...( Segunda Parte de la Historia general
llamada Indica ...), edited by Richard Pietschmann (Abhandlungen
der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen,
Berlin, 1906); [in English translation] Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, History
of the Incas , translated and edited by Sir Clements Markham
(Hakluyt Society Second Series, 22, Cambridge, 1907).
7. Cesáreo Fernández
Duro, Armada española ...(9 vols., Madrid, 1895-1903),
II, p. 479; Huguette and Pierre Chaunu, Séville et l'Atlantique
(1504-1650) (II vols., Paris, 1955-9), III, p. 288.
8. Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Viajes
al Estrecho de Magallanes (1579-1584) , edited by Angel
Rosenblat (2 vols., Buenos Aires, 1950); Amancio Landín
Carrasco, Vida y Viajes de Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa ...(Madrid,
1945), pp. 115-176.
9. Martín Fernñndez
de Navarrete, Biblioteca Marítima Española (2
vols., Madrid, 1851), II, pp. 616-625; Landín Carrasco,
pp. 175-211; Chaunu, III, p. 522.
MERCATOR, GERARD. Autograph
letter signed, in Latin. 1 page. Folio (310 x 240 mm.).
To Abraham Ortelius.
Duysburg (Duisburg), December 12, 1580.
See illus. p. 87
This letter is one of the most exciting pieces in the famous
correspondence between the greatest cartographer and the leading
map publisher of Drake's day, whose productions Drake almost certainly
used himself. 1 It
speculates on the possible connection between Francis Drake's circumnavigation
of the globe (completed about ten weeks before this letter was
written) and the secret voyage of Arthur Pett and Charles Jackman
in search of the North East Passage, which had left England in
June. By the time of their departure nothing since the return of
Drake's subordinate John Winter in the Elizabeth from
the Strait of Magellan had been heard of Drake's expedition, save
threatening reports from Spain of heavy losses of treasure on the
Pacific coast of America. 2 Fears
for Drake were mounting, and it was thought that if it was as easy
to reach the Pacific by the North East Passage as some people supposed,
Pett and Jackman could search for Drake by that route.
Rumold Mercator (1546/8-1599), mentioned in line 3 of this letter,
was the youngest son of the great Gerard (1512-1594). 3 He
was a friend of the younger of the two Richard Hakluyts, who was
the source of the news that Gerard Mercator had received from Abraham
Ortelius (1527-1598). 4 Probably
inspired by the report of the Strait of Magellan as Drake's expedition
had seen it, brought home by Winter, 5 Hakluyt
had already anticipated Drake's return with the urgings of his "Discourse
of the Commodity of the Taking of the Straight of Magellanus," written
ten years before his Principall Navigations  first
appeared: the "Discourse" also argued that "good foresight requireth,
that the discoverie of the north-east be taken in hand...to cut
Spaine from the trade of the Spicerie, to the abating of hir navie,
hit welthe and high credit in the worlde." 6 The
latter were the objectives that Drake was largely achieving at
the time Hakluyt was writing, in 1579-80.
The scheme that this letter shows was being kept so secret was
one supposedly complementary to Drake's voyage: its proposers intended
that the financially strong Russia Company (the "merchants who
trade with the Muscovites" here mentioned) should fit out an expedition
to explore the coast of Siberia much further east than the islands
of Nova Zemlya and Vaigatz already reached by Stephen Borough (brother
of the William Borough who in 1587 served under Drake) in 1556. 7 Geographers
and the Muscovy merchants were afraid that the good relations between
England and Russia might not outlast the life of the now elderly
Tsar Ivan the Terrible, and thought that they could insure against
this risk, and cut off Spanish trade to the Far East, if the English
could discover the direct sea route to Japan and Cathay (or China)
round the north of Asia. 8 The
theoretical champion of this plan was Dr. John Dee, adviser to
the Muscovy Company, who had collected maps of China, and was convinced
that the sea passage was possible. 9 Many
disagreed with him, but Dee's belief rested partly on the maps
of the writer and the recipient of the present letter (for both
Mercator and Ortelius affirmed the existence of a North East Passage),
and partly on notes in Dutch and Latin sent him directly by Gerard
Mercator, which alleged that the Passage had already been explored
by the British many centuries past. 10
Both Dr. Dee and the elder Richard Hakluyt, the lawyer, prepared
notes and instructions for Pett's voyage. 11 But
the younger Richard Hakluyt was less confident about the prospects
and more concerned to look for Drake, and it was he who decided,
through the good offices of Rumold Mercator, to check on the possibility
of Pett's voyage with Gerard Mercator, from whose views the scheme
originally sprang. Since Hakluyt wrote to Mercator only on June
19, 1580, the latter had to send his reply after Pett set sail,
writing that "it grieved me much that...I could not give any convenient
instructions: I wish Arthur Pet had bene informed before his departure
of some speciall points." But he pointed out that the sea beyond
Nova Zemlya would be extremely difficult to cross: "...that there
is such a huge promontorie called Tabin, I am certainely perswaded
not onely out of Plinie, but also other writers, and some Maps
(though somewhat rudely drawen)...the pole of the Loadstone is
not far beyond Tabin...because the Loadstone hath another pole
then that of the worlde [ i.e. , pointed to magnetic,
not true, north],...the neerer you come unto it, the more the needle
of the Compasse doth varie from the North...," and went on, rather
disappointingly, that "if master Arthur bee not well provided in
this behalfe...I feare least in wandering up and downe he lose
his time, and be overtaken with the ice in the midst of the enterprise.
For that gulfe [the Kara Sea], as they say, is frosen every yere
very hard." 12
The present letter shows that Mercator knew Pett had provisions
aboard for much longer than the period of a year which he and Dee
believed was all the time necessary to reach China from England, 13 and
this was one reason why he believed a rendez-vous with Drake in
the Pacific had been intended. The letter gives another reason
for his guess, for it explains that Martin Frobisher's voyages
of 1576, 1577 and 1578 had shown what a difficult way home for
Drake's heavily laden ship the North West Passage would have been. 14 In
actual fact, nothing came of this idea, for Drake reached Plymouth
quite straight-forwardly, around the Cape of Good Hope, on September
26, 1580, while in August of that year Pett reached the Kara Sea
and could go no farther, finding an "innumerable quantitie of ice" to
the east and north, exactly as Mercator had predicted; on Christmas
Day 1580, soon after the present letter was written, he was back
in the Thames. 15 It
is significant that, in suspecting a connection between Drake's
voyage and Pett's, Mercator's view was shared by his close friend
William Camden, who contrasted the navigators' fortunes in his Historie : "Whilest Drake sayled
thus prosperously round about the world, Iackman and Pett two
famous Pilost, being sent forth by the Londoners with two shippes,
fought as unprosperously to discover a neerer way to East-India by
the Cronian or Frozen Sea. For having passed a few leagues
beyond the Isles called Waigats, they met with such uncertaine
tydes, so many shelfes, and such heapes of Ice piled together,
that they could get no farther forward, and very much adoe they
had to returne." 16
The present letter, previously printed only in the original Latin, 17 relates
to the whole scope of English exploration. It shows the cartographers
of Europe at least as avid to learn about the Far East as to improve
the maps of France, about which Mercator here records fresh information.
Ortelius had been collecting reports of China for years. 18 The
theoretical concern of Mercator and Ortelius for the accuracy of
world maps was, of course, shared in practice by Drake, whose voyage
did much to improve them. The present letter shows the collaboration
of the celebrated mariners of the day with one another and with
the merchant venturers, and reveals the links of English geographers
like Dee and Hakluyt with their counterparts abroad. It demonstrates
that months after Drake's return people so much in the confidence
of English promoters as Mercator and Ortelius still remained ignorant
of the true route by which he returned to England. 19 From
the fact, as Mercator here records, that differing reports of the
course were circulated, it can be seen how carefully the secrets
of the circumnavigation were guarded. By contrast, this security
precaution highlights the eagerness of European observers to have
real news of the ventures of such Englishmen as Pett, Frobisher
and, most of all, Drake. 20
1. Henry R. Wagner, Sir
Francis Drake's voyage around the world (San Francisco,
1926), pp. 36-38.
2. Calendar of State
Papers, Spanish , Vol. II (1568-79), pp. 683, 694-695. "Siete
cartas de Don Antonio de Padilla sobre Francisco Draque contestadas
al margen por Felipe II," in: Colección de documentos
inéditos para la historia de España (112
vols., Madrid, 1842-95), XCIV, pp. 458-471; Zelia Nuttall (ed.), New
Light on Drake (Hakluyt Society Second Series, 34, London,
1914), pp. 401-407.
3. H. Averdunk and J. Müller-Reinhard, Gerhard
Mercator und die Geographen unter seinen Nachkommen (Gotha,
1914), pp. 2, 53, 152-157.
4. E. G. R. Taylor, Tudor
Geography, 1485-1583 (London, 1930), p. 127.
5. E.G.R. Taylor, "More Light
on Drake," in: Mariner's Mirror , XVI (1930). pp. 134-151.
6. In: E. G. R. Taylor (ed.), The
original writings and correspondence of the two Richard Hakluyts (Hakluyt
Society Second Series 76-77, 2 vols., London, 1935), I, pp. 143-144.
7. T. S. Willan, The
history of the Russia Company, 1553-1603 (Manchester, 1956),
8. John Dee, Volume of
Great and Rich Discoveries (1577), British Museum Cottonian
MS. Vitellius C.vii, printed in Taylor, Tudor Geography ,
pp. 278-280; Hakluyt, in Taylor's edition of The original
writings , I, pp. 140, 143; Willan op. cit. , pp.
9. E. G. R. Taylor, "John
Dee and the map of North-East Asia," in: Imago Mundi ,
XII (1955), pp. 103-106.
10. Gerard Mercator to John
Dee, 20 April 1577, transcribed from Dee's MSS. in E. G. R. Taylor, "A
Letter dated 1577 from Mercator to John Dee" in: Imago Mundi ,
XIII (1956), pp. 56-68.
11. Printed by Richard Hakluyt
in the 1589 edition of Principall Navigations , pp.
455-463, together with the commission to Pett and Jackman from
the Russia Company, and instructions for them by William Borough;
the 1598-1600 edition , I, pp. 433-442, reprints all these,
but then omits one of the 1589 eiditon's narratives of the expedition:
cf. Taylor, Tudor Geography, pp. 128-134.
12. Gerard Mercator to Richard
Hakluyt, 28 July 1580, in: Principall Navigations (1589)
, pp. 483-485; ibid. , (1598-1600) , I, pp. 443-445.
13. Taylor, Tudor Geography ,
14. William Bourne, A
Regiment for the Sea (London, 1580), edited by E. G. R.
Taylor (Hakluyt Society Second Series, 121, Cambridge, 1963),
preface; Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589) ,
especially pp. 630-635; ibid. , (1598-1600) , III,
pp. 39-45, 76-93; Richard Collinson (ed.), The Three Voyages
of Martin Frobisher in search of a Passage to Cathaia and India
by the North-West, A.D. 1576-8 ...(Hakluyt Society First
Series, 38, London, 1867).
15. Hakluyt, Principall
Navigations (1589) , pp. 463-482, especially p. 479
16. William Camden, The
Historie of the Life and Reigne of the most Renowned and Victorious
Princesse Elizabeth...(London, 1630) , II, p. 117;
the closeness of his relations with Mercator is made clear in:
J. van Raemdonck, Gérard Mercator, sa vie et ses oeuvres (St.-Nicolas,
1869), pp. 292-293.
17. In J. H. Hessels (ed.), Ecclesiae
Londini-Batavae Archivum ... Abrahami Ortelii ... et
virorum eruditorum ad eundem ... Epistolae ...(Cambridge,
1887), as letter 99, pp. 238-240; and partially in Taylor, Tudor
Geography , pp. 261-262.
18. Hessels, op. cit. ,
19. Wagner, op. cit. ,
20. Averdunk and Müller-Reinhard, op.
cit. , pp. 115-116.
MEDINA SIDONIA, ALONSO PéREZ DE GUZMAN EL BUENO, SEVENTH
DUKE OF. Autograph
draft of a reply to a memorandum recommending changes in the naval
defense of Spanish America and its sea-borne trade. Manuscript
on paper, with corrections and sectional headings, all in Medina
Sidonia's hand. 5 leaves, followed by a leaf blank except for
docket. Folio (315 x 215 mm.). In a half leather case.
See illus. p. 130
This hitherto unknown manuscript in Medina Sidonia's autograph
is, in effect, addressed to King Philip II of Spain. It relates
to Drake's depredations along the Pacific coast of Spanish America
(1578-1579) and in the Caribbean (1585-1586) and suggests measures
which should be taken to avert further disasters of this sort.
It recommends a thorough overhaul of Spanish naval strategy and
new arrangements to protect communications and the transport of
bullion from America to Spain. Although it concentrates upon the
defense of the Pacific coast of South America (all the way from
the Strait of Magellan to the Isthmus of Panama) and the defense
of its commerce, it includes suggestions relating to the ports
on the Atlantic coast as well.
The docket of the present manuscript is endorsed:
Respuesta del Mem[oria]l q[ue] se dio a Su M[agesta]d
Por don di[eg]o Maldonado en lo de la Mar del Sur.
Embiose a xxv de 8bre 1586--
which may be translated as: "reply to the memorandum given to
His Majesty by Don Diego Maldonado in the matter of the South Sea.
It was sent October 25, 1586." The other endorsement, also in Medina
Sidonia's autograph, is the Duke's "filing instruction": "Instruçiones
diferentes / año 1586"-- i.e. , "Miscellaneous
orders, 1586", together with the Duke's own cipher or monogram
( rúbrica ), in place of a signature, which would
not have been appropriate for a paper to be retained.
Although the document is unsigned, its authorship is attested
by this unmistakable cipher and by the rapid, clear handwriting,
which is identical with the distinctive flowing script employed
by Medina Sidonia in other documents, of proven authorship. The
document is arranged in paragraphs, which relate respectively to
the sections or capitulos (chapters) of the primary
memorandum. Opposite each of these paragraphs is a sectional heading,
probably extracted from the opening of each section of the original
recommendations. In this document the paragraphs make up not so
much an independent connected text of alternatives as a series
of replies to the recommendations in the other paper. These, and
the Duke's additional observations, were all intended to be read
in the context of Maldonado's memorandum.
Maldonado's Memorial must have been submitted to the
King at some date previous to October 1586; it must then have been
referred by one of the royal secretaries or by the Council of the
Indies for the Duke's opinion. The present paper is the draft of
the confidential expert advice the Duke was asked to send to assist
the deliberations in Madrid. Diego Maldonado was serving as a naval
administrator at Seville: a professional seaman, he had held the
highest posts in the Spanish Atlantic navigation. In 1575 he was
Captain-General of the annual flota to New Spain, returning
the next year, and carried out identical duties in 1577-1578; in
1579 he went to the Spanish Main commanding the armada and flota. As
he was also a ship-owner, he returned in his own vessel the same
year, with Don Cristóbal de Eraso. 1 He
again commanded the flota for the Spanish Main, making
voyages to and from America, in 1582-1583. 2
Section I of the present manuscript deals with the difficulties
of navigation in the Strait of Magellan, pointing out the heavy
losses of ships experienced there by Drake, by Sarmiento de Gamboa
and his chief pilot Antonio Pablo. This had happened even though
they had attempted the navigation only in the southern summer ( i.e. ,
between November and February).
Section 2 emphasizes that much of the danger to which treasure
shipments were exposed in the Pacific could be avoided if only
the Viceroy of Peru would carry out his orders to see that they
reached Panama by February in every year. Section 3 declares that
only the strongest ships should be used for this purpose, while
Section 4 estimates that the King actually has strong forces on
the coast of the Main: if the armada formed to protect
the Indies trade joined the merchant fleet bound for the Main no
fewer than 44 great armed ships would be available to protect the
trans-shipment of treasure and sweep marauders from the coast of
Venezuela. Sections 5 (which consists only of the heading), and
6 criticize Maldonado's plan, which was evidently to send guns
and munitions secretly to America in vessels specially provided.
Instead the Duke proposes here that such guns as are required should
be removed from ships being broken up in American ports, while
gunpowder, match, ammunition, etc., should be diverted to Peru
from the supply that Alvaro Flores de Quiñones was due to
take to Havana and Florida.
Section 7 details the procedure for dispatching armaments from
Panama to Callao, incidentally using them to form a squadron to
defend the Pacific coast; in Section 8 the Duke assures the King
that if the requisite rigging and naval stores are sent from Europe
suitable ships may in future be built in the Indies, from American
timber. In Sections 9 and 10 the Duke refers to previous pieces
of advice, categorically stating that Sarmiento de Gamboa's colonists
will be of no use for defending the Pacific coast: "de la Jente
q[ue] Ai en el estrecho se Puede hazer Poco fundamento, pues se
crehe estara Acabada," he remarks interestingly. (Trans.: "We can
build little hope on the people at the Strait, since it is believed
they must have perished.") 3
In Section II the Duke approves Maldonado's views assuring the
King that the defense of the Caribbean coasts required the presence
of galleons. He is glad to report that galleys had enjoyed general
success there since they had been based on Cartagena, as no foreign
force had dared raid the coast, except for Drake's. Even then,
thought the Duke, the galleys might have defended the town adequately
had they been properly handled--a reference to the poor performance
of the galleys against Drake in February 1586, for which their
commander, Don Pedro Vique Manrique, was then standing trial. 4
The remarks in Section 13 express strategic ideas that were to
coalesce in the sending of the Armada against England in 1588.
They clearly suggest that in order to defend Spanish America and
its trade with Spain Philip II must take the offensive by building
up a fleet of warships as a mobile striking force. However, the
writer here envisages a psychological rather than a directly military
effect: he recommends no more than that the war-fleet should enter
the English Channel, and that alarums and sounds of warlike preparation
should be broadcast to England from all over the Spanish empire.
The present document reveals very vividly the preoccupation of
some of the most important people in Spain with the defense of
America and of its sea-borne trade. Among their fears the most
acute were inspired by the attacks of Francis Drake. First his
brilliantly successful passage through the Strait of Magellan had
allowed him to plunder at will the Spanish ships he had taken by
surprise in the Pacific; then his startling assaults on some of
the main harbors for Spanish fleets in the Caribbean--notably Cartagena--showed
that they were well within the grasp of an assailant with up-to-date
large warships. The Spaniards quite rightly feared that Drake's
example would be followed by other English mariners, and even by
raiders from other countries. By late in 1586 they realized that
they faced widespread war, and were desperately keen to get the
greatest possible return from the heavy defense expenditure Drake
had forced them to make.
The authorship of the document is highly significant. It casts
light upon the advance of strategic thinking in the most powerful
nation of the time, and upon the process of decision-making in
Philip II's government. It confirms the industry of the Duke of
Medina Sidonia and the esteem in which he was held in Spanish official
circles--the more so as he still held no formal position in the
royal service. 5
The mere existence of so detailed and trenchant a document in
the Duke's own autograph shows both the importance attached to
the subject of the paper and the falsity of almost everything that
has been written about the Duke's character and functions. In the
light of the careful weighing of alternatives, the technical grasp
of maritime and military questions and the willingness to assimilate
information that Medina Sidonia shows here, the statement that "the
Duke was a fool and a poltroon--and he knew it" 6 can
no longer be accepted. Nor, even, can the later, more charitable
view that while he was reasonably intelligent and knowledgeable,
Medina Sidonia's main use to Philip II was as "a personage whom
the lesser folk were willing to obey as a dignified reprentative
of the Sovereign." 7 Doubtless
the Duke had good secretarial, legal and financial assistants,
and secured the best technical advice--but this is to his credit,
for he undoubtedly needed them in order to discharge his heavy
and varied responsibilities. These are ideas from his own mind:
a grandee of Spain would never have spent his time in copying out
the compositions of others--that was work for clerks, not dukes.
Many other points of great interest in the text can be examined
in a more detailed study of it which is attached to the manuscript.
For instance, it shows the Duke eager to acquire data on trade
with China and the Spice Islands (Section 9); he can be seen to
have had moderate and well-informed opinions on the relative merits
of oared and sailing ships (a subject of lively concern at that
time, as Drake's campaigns showed). He also saw the possibility
of relieving pressure on America by an aggressive European policy,
incidentally appreciating the potential force of propaganda (Section
It is ironical that this passage by the man who within eighteen
months took command of the Armada nowhere suggests that the Spanish
Navy should actually engage English forces--still less attempt
to conquer the country. This in turn raises the question of whether,
for some Spanish policy-makers, the threat of the Armada was intended
as a bluff, which the English eventually called, and forced them
to make real. This document is the most substantial paper on the
subject that Medina Sidonia produced. It is unpublished; indeed,
it goes unmentioned in all existing works on the Spanish Navy,
the Spanish-American trade or the war against England. 9
1. Cf. Don Cristóbal
de Eraso's plans and view of new defenses proposed for the castle
of San Juan de Ulúa at Vera Cruz [Nos. 46 and 47].
2. Martín Fernández
de Navarrete, Biblioteca marítima española (2
vols., Madrid, 1851), sub nomine ; Huguette and Pierre
Chaunu, Séville et l'Atlantique, 1504-1650 (11
vols., Paris, 1955), III, pp. 208, 230, 236, 258, 262, 274-275,
3. This was at the time of
Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa's capture in the Atlantic by Ralegh's
men [see No. 2].
4. Cf. Don Pedro Vique Manrique's
appeal against sentence of death in his trial for negligence and
misfeasance at Cartagena [No. 28].
5. The Duke was not appointed
Captain-General of the Coast of Andalusia until January 7, 1588,
only a month before the King ordered him to command the Armada:
patent in Museo Naval, Madrid, Colección Navarrete, III,
document 17, folio 236; printed in Colección de documentos
inéditos para la historia de España (112 vols.,
Madrid, 1842-1895), XXVIII, pp. 376-378.
6. Martin A. S. Hume in: The
Cambridge Modern History , Vol. III (Cambridge, 1905), p.
7. E. M. Tenison, Elizabethan
England (13 vols., Learnington Spa, 1933-61), VII, p. lxix.
8. Cf. the many facets of
the Duke's diplomatic, administrative and martial activity touched
on in: the Duke of Maura, El designio de Felipe II y el episodio
de la Armada Invencible (Madrid, 1957), and his close attention
to the defense of North America and the West Indies recorded in:
D. B. Quinn, "Some Spanish reactions to Elizabethan colonising
enterprises," in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society ,
Fifth Series, I (1951), pp. 1-23; id., The Roanoke Voyages
1584-1590 (Hakluyt Society Second Series, 104-105, 2 vols.,
Cambridge, 1955), II, pp. 772, 779, 817.
9. Fernández de Navarrete, op.
cit. ; Cesáreo Fernández Duro, La Armada
Invencible ( 2 vols., Madrid, 1884-5); id., Armada
española (9 vols., Madrid, 1895-1903); Clarence
H. Haring, Trade and navigation between Spain and the Indies
in the time of the Hapsburgs (Cambridge, Massachusetts,
1918); Woodrow Borah, Early colonial navigation between Mexico
and Peru (Berkeley, 1954); Chaunu, op. cit.; Garrett Mattingly, The
Armada (Boston, 1959); Michael Lewis, The Spanish Armada (London,
PHILIP II, KING OF SPAIN. Letter
signed, to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, giving instructions in
view of the expected intentions of the English squadron under
Drake reported to be then attacking Cadiz. Dated Aranjuez,
May 4, 1587. 2 pp. Folio (315 x 215 mm.). Written on paper in
Spanish in a clear scribal hand, with an addition of three lines
(24 words), after the date, in the King's autograph. Signed by
the King "Yo El Rey."
Aranjuez, May 4, 1587.
See illus. p. 132
This letter clearly demonstrates the intimate contact between
the Duke of Medina Sidonia and the Court. It exemplifies Philip
II's reaction to the extremely unwelcome news that the English
were not merely taking the preparation of an Armada against them
seriously, but were trying to prevent it from ever getting to sea,
and even dared to enter his own harbors to attack it. This is the
celebrated episode when Drake, as he put it, "singed the King of
In the letter the King states that he has received news of the
damage done to the ships in Cadiz Bay by the English, but has also
learnt that Medina Sidonia has been attending to the defense of
the town, and expresses his satisfaction and gratitude for the
Duke's services. He writes further that although he had understood
from Seville that Drake left the bay on May 1st, another dispatch
had come from there saying that it was reported at Puerto de Santa
María (on the other side of the bay from Cadiz) that Drake
had been reinforced and had returned. If this was true, it could
only be with the idea of taking the city itself, and the King gives
express orders that the Duke should hand over command there to
others and on no account allow himself to be shut up in the city.
Philip explains that he considers Medina Sidonia too knowledgeable,
authoritative and loyal for him not to be greatly missed if he
does not retire from Cadiz. He exhorts him to obtain infantry,
cavalry, arms and support from the nobles and towns of Andalusia
and then take the offensive from outside the city against the English
if they do land. The King's autograph addition, translated, reads: "I
would be more greatly worried about this situation if you were
not in charge; therefore I expect it will have a good outcome."
The letter appears to have been written in some haste, as shown
by the autograph addition and by the fact that, unlike almost all
Spanish royal letters, it shows no secretary's counter-signature.
It bears witness to the confusion caused by Drake's attack and
to the disorganization of the Spanish defenses his audacity revealed.
The King's affection for the Duke and his esteem for his services--well
before Medina Sidonia's eventual appointment to command the Armada--are
also obvious. What is also made clear is the difficulty the King
had in keeping informed and in control of events when he was so
far from his principal ports. Supplying the royal demand for information
and maintaining a correspondence with the intensity the King liked
represented a severe burden for the men on the spot.
This letter is unpublished, except for an extract printed in
Gabriel Maura Gamazo, Duque de Maura, El designio de Felipe
II (Madrid, 1957), p. 213.
MEDINA SIDONIA, ALONSO PéREZ DE GUZMáN EL BUENO,
SEVENTH DUKE OF. Manuscript
dispatch in Spanish. Unsigned: drafted as the model for letters
sent by the Duke to authorities in Spanish settlements in the Caribbean
area, informing them of Drake's recent attack on Spanish shipping
at Cadiz and warning them that he may intend to attack them. Paper,
1¼ pp. Folio (315 x 215 mm.), with attached slip. Endorsed on verso
of second (blank) folio.
San Lúcar de Barrameda, May (no day, but probably 18),
See illus. pp. 135-136
This endorsed "Copy of the letter the duke my lord wrote to the
governors of the Indies in the year 1587" is the official "model" of
a set of letters sent by the Duke at the behest of King Philip
II of Spain. The attached slip is a list of the addressees: it
specifies the governors of Havana ( i.e. , of Cuba),
of Cartagena, of Puerto Rico and of Florida (Pedro Menéndez
Marqués, whose name is here entered), the audiencias (governing
supreme courts) of Santo Domingo and Panama, the alcaldes (chief
magistrates) of the lesser islands of Jamaica and La Margarita,
and Alvaro Flores de Quiñones, the Captain-General of the
armed fleet expected to return that year from America via Havana.
In the dispatch the Duke gives a first-hand report that Drake
had arrived in the bay of Cadiz on April 29, with 27 ships, and
had burnt or sunk 23 ships in the bay, the city being rescued from
sack only by the presence of the galleys of Spain. Medina Sidonia
says that although it was feared that on leaving Drake had set
course for the West Indies, he was sighted off Cape Saint Vincent
on May 5 and had entered Lagos Bay, Portugal, on the 12th. The
Duke still thought it possible Drake might make for the Indies
and asked the authorities to prepare to resist him, assuring them
that Drake had with him only five or six ships of any size. He
promises them that the day is near when there will be a Spanish
squadron detailed to give permanent protection to the West Indies,
and assures them that the royal warships (at Lisbon under the Marquess
of Santa Cruz) will put to sea as soon as Drake's ultimate intentions
Here is valuable evidence that up to the very end of Drake's
expedition the Spanish authorities were completely uncertain about
his intentions. Although this document is not dated with the day
of the month, it cannot have been written earlier than the middle
of May, and was probably sent with a series of dispatches the Duke
is known to have sent on May 18, to these and other officials in
Spanish America, which gave individual instructions in case of
Drake's arrival, varying according to their circumstances. The
letter conveys valuable facts and figures on Drake's attack; it
raised great hopes in America by its announcement that a squadron
of warships would in future be kept on station, so that at last
the Spanish West Indies would be protected.
This dispatch has been published only by the Duke of Maura, in
his El designio de Felipe II , pp. 211-212, where it
is printed with gross inaccuracies. See also Calendar of State
Papers, Venetian , Volume VIII, pp. 271-281, which reports
events in Madrid; and H. and P. Chaunu, Séville et
l'Atlantique, 1504-1650 , Volume III (1587), which has notes
on the warnings sent to America and the effects on Atlantic trade.
PHILIP II, KING OF SPAIN. Manuscript
document signed (signature is a woodcut stamp). 1 page. Folio
(307 x 202 mm.). Partly backed, margin strengthened. Countersigned
by Andres de Alva. In a cloth case.
Madrid, June 15, 1587.
See illus. p. 143
Don Pedro de Sotomayor is by this document appointed to serve
under the Marquess of Santa Cruz in the "large armada to go and
seek the one that has sailed from England and which wanders through
the seas of these my kingdoms" (trans.). The situation at this
date was indeed unfavorable for Spain. Drake had descended upon
Cadiz on April 29, 1587, and had burned up ships and supplies there;
had cruised back and forth along the coasts of Spain and Portugal
for a month and a half; had captured a rich East Indies galleon
laden with merchandise and treasure; and at this date was on his
way back to England. The great Armada itself was intended to sail
against England in 1587, but Drake's cruise had upset all these
plans, and despite frantic efforts by the King and his subordinates,
Spain could not even get a fleet to sea to fight him.
The document does not state the exact position to be held by
Sotomayor, but as it refers to "vuestras arms"("your arms") it
may be surmised that he was to serve as an officer of the infantry
forces generally stationed on the larger Spanish ships. His pay
was 10 escudos per month. The Marquess of Santa Cruz died early
in 1588, after which the Armada sailed out to its defeat under
the command of the Duke of Medina Sidonia.
The document is accompanied by a transcription and translation.
HAWKINS, SIR JOHN. Final
portion of a document signed. 1 page. Folio (410 x 285 mm.).
In a cloth case.
N. pl., before 1588.
See illus. p. 51
A legal document in regard to a loan of money, connected with
the office of the Treasurer of the Navy, to which post Hawkins
had been appointed in 1573. As he was knighted in 1588, and does
not use his title here, it can be assumed that the present document
falls somewhere between those years.
The document begins imperfectly; though it is unusually badly
written, one can see that a legal proceeding of claim is involved,
since it speaks of "Counsell learned in the Lawe". It concerns
also a claim for payment of expenses connected with the delivery
of money in repayment of the loan money. There are a number of
interlinear additions, and some passages are struck through, which
would indicate that this is a preliminary drafting of the document.
A single-word docket "Loane," is on the blank verso of the first
Hawkins (1532-1595) was an associate of Drake through out his
life; he served as Rear-Admiral (third in command under Howard
and Drake) of the English fleet which defeated the Invincible Armada.
Hawkins' signature is in his usual, large bold style.
DALE, DR. VALENTINE. Letter
signed. 1 page. Folio (350 x 225 mm.). With attached address
leaf. To Sir Francis Walsingham, "Principal Secretarie to the
Bourborough (Bourbourg, between Calais and Dieppe), July 25,
See illus. pp. 138, 141
A letter concerning the futile diplomatic negotiations between
an English delegation (the Earl of Derby, Sir James Crofts, Lord
Cobham, John Rogers, and Dr. Dale), and the Duke of Parma, representing
the King of Spain. Meetings began late in 1587, but Parma had been
instructed by Philip II to procrastinate and come to no agreement
on any point, as the King intended the negotiations to be simply
a cover-up for his war preparations. Dale reports a very threatening
remark of the Duke of Parma, "a battail lost by the Queen was the
loss of her crowne", to which Dale stoutly replied
that "one battail was not enough to carie away the mater". He gives his opinion
that if the Armada does not reach the Channel, the expense of keeping Parma's
large army mobilized would make the Spaniards more inclined to peace.
Dale (d. 1589) was a noted lawyer and diplomatist, being English
ambassador to Flanders and France, and he acted for the Lord High
Admiral of England while the post was temporarily in commission
The Armada was in fact on its way to England at the date of this
letter(July 25 new style, or 15 old style), it having put out from
La Coruña on July 22 (new style). For the history of these
last-minute negotiations, see Mattingly, The Spanish Armada ,
pp. 192-193, and Wernham, Before the Armada , pp. 389-390,
BURGHLEY, WILLIAM CECIL, BARON, AND SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM. Document
signed (contemporary copy). 1 page. Folio (330 × 222 mm.).
With an attached leaf bearing a 5-line docket.
London, October 11, 1588.
See illus. p. 163
A source for the history of the Drake-Norris expedition against
Spain and Portugal, which was planned and organized immediately
after the defeat of the Invincible Armada, and which was carried
out in the following year, 1589. In this document, Sir Henry Billingsley
(d. 1606), then an Alderman of London, and a wealthy merchant;
Peter Osborne (1521-1592), a "remembrancer to the Lord Treasurer
in the Exchequer", a leading Treasury official of the reigns of
Edward VI and Elizabeth I; and Edward Fent, are charged with the
duty of controlling and auditing the financial accounts of the
Drake-Norris expedition. The enterprise had been organized as a
sort of joint-venture, financed by investments by the Queen and
A pencil notation on the document page states that the piece
was formerly in the John Evelyn collection; the single word "Drake",
in pencil on the docket page, appears to be in the handwriting
of W. Upcott, who acquired many manuscripts from the Evelyn family
papers in the 19th century.
The manuscript is of about 260 words in all (including the docket),
and is accompanied by a typed transcript.
It is unpublished, so far as we can determine.
(DRAKE-NORRIS EXPEDITION). "A
Brief note of the accompte of the voyage intended by Sir John
Norreis and Sir Francis Drake knyghts 17 December 1588" (docket).
Document. 1 page. Folio (270 x 197 Mm.). With attached leaf bearing
a 7-line docket. In a cloth folder. (London), December 17, 1588.
See illus. p. 164
An extract from the "Booke of accompte" of the Drake-Norris expedition
which was then being prepared for sailing in 1589. The total sum
so far paid in by the joint-venturers was £26,450 11s.; of
this, the Queen had invested £16,000, and Drake and others
the balance. There are a number of corrections in the figures of
the account, and a number of amusing blunders in addition and subtraction
of the various sums. As the document specifically mentions the
surplus of the Queen's investment over that of the others, the
account may have been prepared for her use; it certainly was issued
by Billingsley, Osborne, and Fent, the financial controllers of
the expedition. A pencil note states that the manuscript is from
the collection of John Evelyn. It is apparently unpublished.
A typed transcript accompanies the document.
(DRAKE, SIR FRANCIS). Document
on vellum, signed by Alderman Paul Banninge of London. 1
page. Large Folio (640 x 370 mm.). With Banninge's pendant wax
seal. In a cloth case. From the collection of R. A. Meyrick,
collateral descendant of Drake. (London), May 28, 1593.
See illus. p. 170
The record of Drake's sale of a 71-year lease of a house called "The
Herbar" in the Dowgate ward of London. It is Drake's own copy,
signed by Banninge; the counterpart copy signed by Drake was given
to Banninge, and is not known to be extant.
The document is in English, and is clearly written and legible.
It comprises 39 lines (about 1700 words) and is in fine condition.
Signatures of two witnesses, Thomas Fytch and W. Spencer, are also
on the document. On the verso are two contemporary dockets, and
also one of the 19th century.
"The Herbar" was once a royal residence, being occupied by King
Richard III, and later (1571-1578) by the Spanish diplomatic mission
in London. It had recently been rebuilt and modernized by the Lord
Mayor, Sir Thomas Pullison, and must have been a valuable property,
as it fronted on the Thames, and was next to the Steelyard, the
headquarters of the Hanseatic League in London. Apparently unpublished.
Cf. John Stow, A Survay of London (London, 1598),
p. 183; Lady Eliott-Drake, The family and heirs of Sir Francis
Drake , I, pp. 107-108.
WINSLADE, TRISTRAN. De
praesenti statu Cornubiae et Devoniae quae duae Provinciae sunt
Hispaniae proximiores. 8 leaves. (Second title, in Italian:)
Consideracioni al Re Cattolico per li Cattolici di Ingliterra.
3 leaves. Manuscript on paper. Together, 16 leaves, the last
5 blanks. With a manuscript folding map of England, in outline
except for Cornwall and Devon, which display detail. Small quarto
(230 x 180 nm.). In a cloth case.
Spain, c. 1595.
See illus. pp. 152, 153
An unpublished manuscript, dealing with matters in the "top secret" category.
It is indeed remarkable that such a document is extant outside
of an official state archive. From the Italian heading of the second
part of the report (in a different hand), we may surmise that it
was a copy prepared in Spain for the use of the Papal court, as
it is most unlikely that any such report would have been supplied
to any other Italian authority.
The work is a lengthy intelligence report given to King Philip
II of Spain by one of the English Catholic exiles who had fled
from England when Elizabeth I became Queen and had entered Spanish
service as a soldier. Winslade begins his description with a general
survey of Cornwall and Devon, stating that those two counties,
together with Somerset and Dorset, formed a peninsula easily defensible
on the line of the Stour River from attack from other parts of
England. He speaks of the ancient prosperity of Cornwall and Devon
and their present misery from high taxes and other exactions; of
the former devotion of the people to the Catholic cause; and of
notable men of the present generation (Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir
Francis Drake, "the two Hawkins"--no doubt Sir John and Sir Richard
Hawkins), from Devon, and Sir Richard Grenville and others from
Cornwall, who had distinguished themselves by their attacks upon
Spain and the Spanish possessions. He then goes on to name various
Catholic notables of the two counties and the ways in which they
could act or use their influence in an uprising to seize control
of England. Winslade speaks with confidence of the death of Queen
Elizabeth, which he seems to consider imminent (perhaps from an
assassination plot), and discusses means for the re-establishment
of Catholicism in England. He requests that if this should take
place, that he be restored to the lands and income which his family
had owned before they lost all from their devotion to Catholicism.
This part of the work is illustrated by the folding manuscript
map of England.
In the second part of the work, Winslade discusses the government
of England in general, with special mention of Sir Walter Ralegh,
William Cecil, Baron Burghley, and others, and means to be used
in the extirpation of heresy in England, Scotland and Ireland.
He informs Philip that with the conquest of England the Spanish
possessions in America would no longer be menaced and that he would
be spared the expense of a defensive navy there, and that he could
then proceed to the conquest of other Protestant lands.
It is evident that, literally, "heads would have rolled" if this
document with its numerous references to Englishmen who, so says
Winslade, would take arms for Philip against Elizabeth, had ever
fallen into the hands of the English government.
The manuscript must be dated after 1581, when Drake was knighted
(he is referred to as "Eques" = Knight); it probably is a preparatory
intelligence report for Philip II's second Spanish Armada sent
against England. The campaign itself was a total failure, the fleet
of over 60 ships being driven from the English coasts by contrary
winds. However, it was quite clear that the Spaniards were not
going to give up, especially when they held a capacious and well-defended
naval base in Brittany from which they could dominate the Channel.
In any event, a dangerous raid from this port, at Blavet, in 1595
delayed and nearly diverted the expedition to the West Indies being
prepared by Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins, and showed
that their home counties were very much an object of Spanish attack:
Towards the end of July a start appeared probable, and
then the Brittany Spaniards made a move. They sent out from Blavet
four galleys full of soldiers. These men landed one morning on
the Cornish coast and began to burn the fishing villages in Mount's
Bay. So sudden was the surprise that Mousehole, Newlyn and Penzance
were destroyed before defense forces could gather. The Spaniards
then put to sea and made off. Everyone was perturbed by their boldness,
and not least the Queen, who took it to be the portent of a new
The Queen was eventually convinced that an expedition fitted
out for the West Indies was not suitable for a reprisal on the
coast of Spain, but this raid on the West Country was so alarming
that she insisted that Drake and Hawkins must not stay away for
more than six months.
According to documents reported by Loomie (see below), Tristran
Winslade was born about 1552. He must have emigrated from his native
Devon early in the 1570's, as in 1597 he is stated to have been
in the Spanish service for 23 years. He is reported as having served
in Flanders, in Ireland, and in "the Armada against England." Presumably
the Irish service mentioned refers to the dispatch of Spanish officers
to Ireland in the 1590's to prepare the way for an invasion there;
the "Armada against England" is surely the Invincible Armada of
1588. Winslade is reported in 1597 as having returned to Flanders,
where he was in the service of the Cardinal-Archduke Albert, Viceroy
of the Netherlands, and in that year he was granted a pension of
25 escudos. A Gabriel Denis ("Dionysius" in the manuscript) often
referred to by Winslade was also an English exile; he was born
c. 1537, emigrated in 1561, and had served as a confidential adviser
on English affairs to Don Juan of Austria. 2
The present manuscript is in Latin, in an elegant "Italic" hand.
It is not signed by Winslade, but he refers to himself as its author
several times in the text, e.g. , 4 verso, line 19.
1. J. A. Williamson, Sir
Francis Drake (New York, 1962), p. 116.
2. Albert Loomie, S. J., The
Spanish Elizabethans. English Exiles at the Court of Philip II ,
(1963), pp. 263, no. 153; 248, no. 65; Cambridge Modern History (1905),
ARMENTEROS, ANDRES. Letter
signed, in Spanish. 1 page, with attached leaf blank except
for docket. Folio (305 x 210 mm.). In a cloth folder. To the
Duke of Medina Sidonia. Seville, June 20, 1596.
See illus. p. 177
News of the death of Drake, one of Medina Sidonia's principal
adversaries in the Armada battles of 1588. Armenteros was a lawyer,
as his title of "Licenciado" shows, and at this time was a member
of the Council of the Indies (see Schaefer, Indice de la Colección
de Documentos Inéditos de Indias , I, p. 41). His
report, certainly unpublished, states that the ships of Drake's
raiding expedition had arrived back in England, having suffered
heavy losses in both men and ships, with Drake's body preserved
in a barrel of beer. This latter news was false, as he had been
buried at sea. Armenteros goes on to say that this had ruined the
plans for a great English-Dutch fleet, since the expenses were
to be paid from the 2,000,000 ducats which Drake had been falsely
credited with plundering at Puerto Rico. Armenteros further reports
on the siege of Calais, which had been captured by the Archduke
Albert in April.
Any satisfaction which Medina Sidonia might have felt on hearing
of the death of his old adversary did not last very long. As these
lines were being written, the English-Dutch fleet which Armenteros
so confidently refers to as "undone" (trans.) was off the Spanish
coast on its way to Cadiz, under the command of the Earl of Essex
and Lord Howard of Effingham. A few days later it entered that
port, and the city and the navy and merchant ships stationed there
were burned up.
This defeat was far more damaging to the reputation of Medina
Sidonia in Spain than was that of the Armada. The latter was ascribed
to adverse winds and storms. The loss of Cadiz, which was under
Medina Sidonia's military jurisdiction as the Captain General of
Andalusia, was widely attributed to his lack of capacity. When
the English evacuated Cadiz after remaining there for two weeks,
Miguel de Cervantes wrote a sarcastic sonnet on the event, which
concludes with a bitter sneer at the Duke.
For detailed accounts of these events, see Tenison, Elizabethan
England , Vols. IX and X. A transcript and translation
accompanies this piece.
LEMON, PETER. Document
signed. 1 page. Folio (310 x 215 mm.).
Antony House (near Plymouth), Cornwall, November 7, 1596.
See illus. p. 154
Peter Lemon's testimony gives, in brief outline, a fascinating
escape-narrative; it was made on the eve of Philip II's last "Spanish
Armada," the one of 1597. It is entitled "The depositione of peeter
Lemman of Mylbrooke, taken by Richard Carew of Antony in Cornwayle
the 7th of November, 1596." He tells how he "went out of England
with Sir ffrauncis Drake"--this was with Drake's last voyage, 1595-1596.
He was captured, then sent to Spain with other English prisoners,
arrived at San Lucar, the port of Seville, escaped thence to Seville,
then to Madrid, Bayonne, and back to England. He landed at Fowey
in Cornwall, and made this statement to Richard Carew (1555-1620),
who was High Sheriff of Cornwall, and deputy-lieutenant, under
Sir Walter Ralegh, in command of the regiment charged with the
defense of Cawsand Bay, just at the entrance to Plymouth Harbor.
Lemon's statement is almost entirely concerned with the preparations
for Philip II's third Armada against England--the earlier ones
were of 1588 and 1595.
In the narrative of Drake's last voyage printed by Hakluyt (1903-5
ed., X, p. 236), Lemon's capture is noted; it is stated that he
was in a pinnace captured by Spanish galleys from Cartagena. From
the phrasing of this report it would appear that he was a minor
officer in command of the pinnace; this is further implied by his
remark in this deposition about "certaine Englishmen of his companie." His
name is written "Lemman" in the heading of this piece; "Lemond" in
Hakluyt; but his signature here is "Lemon."
HOWARD OF EFFINGHAM, CHARLES, LORD, [later EARL OF NOTTINGHAM];
THOMAS SACKVILLE, EARL OF DORSET; AND OTHERS. Privy
Council order for the payment of ration and transportation money
for a body of troops. Manuscript on paper, written in Elizabethan
English cursive script. Signed by Howard ("Notingham"); Sackville
("T. Buckhurst"); Roger Baron North, Privy Councillor; Robert Cecil,
Secretary of State; Thomas Egerton, Baron Ellesmere, Privy Councillor;
William Knollys, Earl of Banbury, Privy Councillor; and George
Carey, Baron Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain. 1 page. Folio (305 x 215
mm.). With attached leaf bearing address and docket. In a cloth
From the Court at Greenwich, August 17, 1598.
See illus. p. 150
The order provides for the payment of £562 12 s. 10 d. for
provisions and transport of soldiers to Ireland recruited in Wales "and
other counties adioyninge." The most notable of the signatories
was Howard of Effingham, Lord High Admiral of England, commander
of the English fleet which defeated the Spanish Armada of 1588.
Other signers who took part in the 1588 campaign were Knollys,
who commanded a force of infantry, and Carey, Governor of the Isle
of Wight, an important position.
Thomas Sackville is well known as a poet and dramatist; he planned
and wrote part of the noted poem "A Myrrour for Magistrates" (1559-1563),
and he collaborated with Thomas Norton in "The Tragedy of Gorbuduc" (1565),
the first English tragedy in blank verse. Sackville later became
first Earl of Dorset, and he began the great mansion of the Sackvilles
at Knole, in Kent.
The dispatch of these troops tb Ireland was undoubtedly connected
with the rebellion of Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, which was then
in progress, and English fears that Tyrone would be assisted by
the landing of a Spanish army (one actually did land in 1600).
Cf. Cyril Falls, Elizabeth's Irish wars (London, 1960).
FENEKE MUñOZ, CARLOS. Tratado
Tocante el Armar y disciplina de las Galeras. Dedicado al
muy digno y Illustre Ambrosio Spinola, Duque de Sanceverino...General
de las galeras de su Catholica Mag[esta]d en los estados de Flandes.
Manuscript signed by the author, on paper; written in a clear
cursive script. 48 leaves. Small quarto. Original vellum. From
the library of Ambrogio Spínola; with contemporary note "delo
heredio spinola" on front leaf.
Bruges, September 1, 1603.
See illus. p. 156
An unpublished manuscript of great interest for the study of
sea-power in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, for the history
of the Eighty Years War between the Dutch and Spain and for assessing
the performance of galleys in the Spanish Armada of 1588; it gives
the role of oared vessels in the attack on England extended discussion.
Feneke has here produced a treatise resuming recent developments
in naval tactics in order to examine the possible uses of this
type of ship in Spanish service in the Netherlands.
The treatise discusses the advantages and disadvantages of galleys,
makes suggestions for improving them and for their more effective
use in future. In general, Feneke emphasizes that the standard
Mediterranean galley was very poorly constructed for naval action
on the northern seas; in illustration of this contention he records
the failure of oared vessels in the Armada campaign (ff. 14-17).
He discusses past and projected use of galleys by the Spanish command
in the Netherlands.
In his dedicatory letter to Ambrogio Spínola, Feneke,
who is apparently unknown except as author of this piece, describes
himself as a gentleman soldier with 24 years' experience in the
Spanish service. He had been a trusted subordinate of Ambrogio's
younger brother Federico Spínola (1571-1603), who had joined
his brother in the Spanish Netherlands expressly to command the
galleys there. Feneke states that this work is based on his discussions
with Federico and also on papers he had left.
Federico Spínola had been convinced that galleys--in the
use of which the Spaniards were, of course, expert--could, if properly
equipped and handled, strike decisive blows against both the English
and the Dutch. But off Sluys, on May 26, 1603, Dutch sailing warships
outmaneuvered him and ran his ships down. This event set the seal
on a whole century of evolution in naval warfare, writing finis
to the long period in which oared vessels had had freedom of action
while sailing vessels had acted as carts at sea, fit only for moving
bulky commercial cargoes. More than a century of improvement in
hull construction, of rationalization in rigging and innovation
in mounting more and more heavy guns had made the sailing warship
with its fearsome broadside armament the queen of the seas--a position
it was to hold for two centuries and a half. Galleys and similar
vessels had indeed been very useful in conducting coastal raids
and amphibious operations in the Netherlands, but Drake's fleets,
and ships owned by the English Levant Company had shown they could
trounce Spanish galleys at Cartagena de Indias, in the Mediterranean
and at Cadiz--in 1586-1587. Nevertheless, Spain's adversaries had
continued to fear attacks from oared vessels. Even Drake had acquiesced
in this preoccupation, for the program of naval building approved
by him, Hawkins and others as an immediate consequence of the 1588
Armada campaign included vessels specially designed to counter
galleys. Spínola's defeat in 1603 doomed the galley in unsupported
operations against sailing ships and largely banished it from northern
waters where, as Feneke says in the present manuscript, it had
performed so poorly in 1588. This proved Drake and other English
observers to have been even righter than they had thought in believing
that galleys could never seize command of the Channel or the North
Sea, nor effectively invade England.
The manuscript is in a clear secretarial hand, and is signed
by Feneke at the end of the dedicatory letter. A later inscription
on the title interprets his name as "Fonst," but this is clearly
merely a misreading.
On Federico Spínola and his battles, see: Jean Orlers
and Henry Haestens, Description et représentation de
toutes les Victoires ...(Leyden, 1612), pp. 258-260 [see
No. 35]; Sir Julian Corbett, Successors of Drake (London,
1900), pp. 277-289, 386-395. Notes upon the use of oared vessels
in northern waters at this time are set down by R. C. Anderson, Oared
Fighting Ships (London, 1962), and R. H. Boulind, "The Crompster
in Literature and Pictures," in: Mariner's Mirror ,
LIV(1968), pp. 1-17.
II. PRINTED BOOKS
BRETON, NICHOLAS. A
Discourse in commendation of the valiant as vertuous minded Gentleman,
Maister Frauncis Drake, with a reioysing of his happy adventures.
8 leaves. With a type ornament border on the title. (Upper margin
trimmed, touching the toplines). Small octavo. 18th century English
brown calf. From the collection of Thomas Rawlinson (1681-1725),
with his shelf-marks on the front end paper. London, John Charlewood,
See illus. p. 82
FIRST EDITION: an unrecorded work by one of the most
prolific of the writers of the Elizabethan-Jacobean period. Drake's
great voyage of circumnavigation began in 1577 and lasted until
September 26, 1580, when his ship, the Golden Hind ,
anchored again at Plymouth. Queen Elizabeth paid a visit to Drake's
ship on April 14, 1581, at which time knighthood was conferred
on him; the present work must have been published, therefore, before
that date, as he is here called only "Gentleman" and "Maister."
The work begins (after the title-leaf) with a dedicatory letter
to Drake, followed by a poem of three 6-line stanzas. The Discourse itself
follows on leaves 3-8, the last paragraph being printed in a smaller
face of black letter to avoid having to run a few lines of text
on to another page. In it, Breton speaks, in the racy prose of
that era, of "heving at ancors, hoising up sailes, hawling at cables, & such
other sea work"; of "Our Countrey man [who] hath gone rounde about
the whole world"; of"the Lande where Treasure lies, the way to
come by it and ye honor by the getting of it"; etc. Significantly,
though Breton repeatedly mentions the cargo of loot brought home
by Drake, he is silent as to just where it was acquired; this undoubtedly
is a reflection of Drake's anomalous position, since England and
Spain were nominally at peace, and some of Elizabeth's counsellors
were urging her to disavow him and restore the plunder to the Spaniards.
She chose to support Drake, however, and shared in the treasure
of perhaps a million pounds sterling or more, to the tune of about £300,000.
This is the first extant prose work of Breton, only three little
volumes of his poetry preceding it in his literary output. Works
of this author are of notorious rarity, in spite of the large number
of his publications (see STC nos. 3631-3715), most of which are
extant in only one or two copies.
Breton (c. 1545-1622) was the son of a wealthy London tradesman
and landowner. "As a literary man Breton impresses us most by his
versatility and his habitual refinement" (DNB, article by Sir Sidney
Lee). The present work is full of the euphuistic conceits so characteristic
of the Elizabethans. In his day, Breton was very highly esteemed
as a writer, and he was eulogized by such outstanding men as Ben
Jonson, Francis Mores, and Sir John Suckling. The discovery of
this hitherto unknown work, connecting him with the greatest navigator
of his day, is a notable event in English literary history.
MEDINA SIDONIA, DON ALONSO PéREZ DE GUZMáN EL BUENO,
SEVENTH DUKE OF. Don
Alonso Perez de Guzman el Bueno Duque de la Ciudad de Medina Sidonia...Capitan
General del Mar Oceano...y desta Real Armada y Exercito...Lo Que
Ordeno y Mando Que hazar y cumplan los Generales, [y] Maestros
de Campo...que vinieren en esta dicha Armada todo el tiempo que
durare esta Jornada, es lo siguente. (Caption title). 4 leaves.
Folio. In a cloth case.
See illus. p. 144
THE FIRST EDITION (unrecorded, and apparently unique) of the
General Orders for the Invincible Armada of 1588. This is the personal
copy of the commander-in-chief of the fleet, the Duke of Medina
Sidonia. It may be extant in only this present copy. The text has
been known from its publication by Captain Fernández Duro,
who obtained it from a manuscript copy by Navarrete (Fernández
Duro, La Armada Invencible , II, no. 99, pp. 22-32).
It is also known through the very rare contemporary translation
into English [see No. 19].
A manuscript docket on the verso of the last leaf reads "Instrucjon
Jen[era]l que se dio al arm[a]da. año 1588" ("General order
which was given to the Armada. Year 1588"). This is in the handwriting
of the Duke of Medina Sidonia.
The document begins with regulations for the discipline of the
enlisted men and officers, both sailors and soldiers; gives regulations
for communication with Medina Sidonia's flagship San Martín
de Portugal ; orders that the smaller supply and escort ships
remain close to the flagship, except for the number assigned to
the flagships of the wings; appoints various places of rendezvous
for ships which have become detached from the main fleet; gives
the signals to be used (by cannon, flags, or lantern); gives directions
for the issue of rations, for fire prevention, and for the maintenance
in good order of the artillery and small arms; and, finally, for
the public reading of these general orders.
At the end it is stated that copies to be circulated to the ships
by the fleet are to be signed by Medina Sidonia; there is a blank
space for the insertion of month and day of issue. The present
copy is not signed or dated.
Drake's service against the Armada as Vice-Admiral, under Howard
of Effingham, is one of the high points of his career. He captured
the galleon Nuestra Señora del Rosario , flagship
of the Andalusian squadron, with its Admiral Pedro de Valdés;
he led the attacks on the Armada off Portland and the Isle of Wight,
and inflicted great damage on the enemy in the final battle between
the fleets off Gravelines.
MEDINA SIDONIA, THE DUKE OF. Orders,
Set down by the Duke of Medina, Lord general of the King's Fleet.
to be observed in the voyage toward England. Translated out
of Spanish into English by T. P. Black letter. 8 leaves. Small
quarto. Blue morocco, triple gilt line borders, gilt back, inner
gilt borders, g.e., by F. Bedford.
London, Thomas Orwin for Thomas Gilbert, 1588.
See illus. p. 145
THE FIRST ENGLISH EDITION. It is a translation of the previous
number. The Short Title Catalogue (and the Bishop and Ramage supplements)
locates only four copies of this piece: British Museum, Harmsworth
(now Folger), Huntington, and Harvard.
BIGGES, WALTER, AND MASTER CROFTES. Expeditio
Francisci Drake Equitis Angli in Indias Occidentales A(nno).
M.D. LXXV. 21, (1) pp., 1 blank leaf. With a woodcut vignette
of a ship on the title. Engraved views of the Drake attacks upon
Santiago, Santo Domingo, and Cartagena (in a separate half morocco
folder); the St. Augustine view not present [see No. 49]. Small
quarto. Old marbled boards (17th century), leather back. In a
half morocco case. Leyden, Fr. Raphelengius, 1588.
See illus. pp. 120, 124-125
FIRST LATIN EDITION; an edition in French appeared the same year
(no priority known). This is one of the earliest publications to
mention Virginia. The text is somewhat abridged from the original
English version, which was published in two editions in the following
year [see Nos. 21 and 22].
The Baptista Boazio view-plans (four in number of which three
accompany this copy) are probably the most interesting and important
published graphic work pertaining to Drake and his career. They
exist in two different engravings; one set measures c. 205 x 300
mm. (as the present ones); the other c. 405 x 520 mm. (as reproduced
by Thomas Greepe, David W. Waters (ed.), The true and perfecte
Newes ...). Of the larger size, nine sets are known; of the
smaller, only seven (not including the present set of three).
Each of these view-plans gives a bird's-eye view of the various
cities and the surrounding country, showing Drake's attacks in
progressive stages. These are apparently the first published views
of each of these localities. Many features bear numerical designations,
but there is no key on the engravings, and apparently none is extant.
The larger view-plans bear alphabetic designations, and printed
keys exist. In the smaller view-plans, captions in Latin are present
in compartments running along the bottom; in the larger plates
these are in cartouches. In the smaller engravings, French captions
are also present below the Latin--these are not to be found at
all on the larger plates.
It would seem probable, from the fact that the smaller sized
engravings include captions in Latin and French, that they might
have been intended for publication with the Latin and French editions
of the Bigges narrative issued at Leyden in 1588. No copy of either
of these editions is known to have the engravings bound in, however.
The Church copy of the German edition of 1589 (Cologne), in an
apparently contemporary binding of stamped pigskin, contains a
variant issue of these smaller engravings, with captions in Latin
only, perhaps indicative of a later issue or state.
There is no evidence for an earlier date for the larger engravings
than 1589, when they are mentioned on the title pages of the two
English editions issued that year. It is therefore entirely possible
that the smaller engravings appeared before the larger
ones; no priority can, however, be established at present. The
entire subject of the editions of the Bigges-Croftes narrative,
in its various translations, editions, and issues, and of the Boazio
maps, is worthy of a detailed study.
The Boazio plates made one later contemporary appearance, in
the De Bry Grands Voyages , Part VIII. Those engravings
are clearly derived from the smaller Boazio engravings, since they
are keyed in numerals rather than letters. It should be noted that
the figures of the Iguana, the Alligator, and the Flying Fish on
these engravings, are after drawings by John White, one of the
participants in the Ralegh settlement of Virginia, and are in fact
the first publication of any of White's work.
A large general map of the Drake voyage is extant, but it is
highly uncertain whether this was ever intended to accompany any
of the editions of the narrative.
Sabin 20828; Church 134A; Greepe, D. Waters (ed.), True
and Perfecte Newes of ... Syr Frauncis Drake (Hartford,
1955), pp. 53-70 (Taylor, Americanum Nauticum , no.
3); Paul Hulton and D. B. Quinn, The American drawings of
John White , 1577-1590 (2 vols., London, 1964).
(BIGGES, WALTER). A
Summarie and True Discourse of Sir Frances [sic] Drakes West
Indian Voyage. 2 leaves, 52 pp. Headlines and page numerals
trimmed. Small quarto. Sewn. In a half morocco case.
London, Richard Field, 1589.
See illus. p. 120
The first edition in English, and also
the first complete publication of the text, since the Latin and
French editions of the previous year were in slightly abridged
form. This is the chief source of information about Drake's voyage
to Cape Verde and the West Indies in 1585-1586, in the course of
which he captured and plundered Santiago in the Cape Verde Islands,
the city of Santo Domingo, capital of Hispaniola, Cartagena de
Indias on the north coast of South America and St. Augustine, Florida.
On his return to Europe Drake abandoned an attack on Santa Elena,
Florida and instead brought relief to the Virginia colony sent
out to Roanoke Island by Walter Ralegh in the previous year. At
their own wish, Drake conveyed the surviving colonists, under their
governor Ralph Lane, back to England; also on board were John White
and the originals of his superb pioneering drawings of Virginia. 1 It
has been believed that tobacco and the potato were first brought
back to England by these colonists. However, scholarly study of
precedents and species has shown the matter to be a good deal less
simple: the Virginia colonists seem to have amplified rather than
initiated English knowledge of what turned out to be many varieties
of plants of potato type, while Drake's followers had used tobacco
at least as early as their return to England from the Isthmus of
Panama in 1573, and on this occasion introduced the Indian pipe
rather than the plant. 2 But
what is certain is that the colonists and their reports did much
to make knowledge of American products widespread, and the voyage
thus ranks among the most important in English economic history.
Captain Bigges composed the narrative up to the time of the expedition's
attack on Cartagena, where he died from sickness, as did many of
his fellows. It was then continued by his Lieutenant, Croftes,
and was in the ownership of another officer, Thomas Cates, when
it was printed. Two issues of this first edition are known: one
adds to the title wording referring to "Geographicall Mappes";
the other is without such a note (as in the case of the present
copy). The reference is to engravings of the capture of the four
towns, which exist in two versions [see No. 20].
STC 3056; Sabin 20842; Church 136; David W. Waters (ed.), True
and Perfecte Newes of ... Syr Frauncis Drake ,
1. Paul Hulton and D. B.
Quinn, The American drawings of John White, 1577-1590 (2
vols., London, 1964); D. B. Quinn (ed.), The Roanoke Voyages ,
I, pp. 243-313.
2. William Camden, Historie ...(London,
1630), III, pp. 61-62; Jerome E. Brooks, Tobacco: its History
Illustrated ... in the Library of George Arents (5
vols., New York, 1937-52), I, pp. 46-49; II, pp. 156-158; R. N.
Salaman, The History and Social Influence of the Potato (Cambridge,
1949), pp. 83-96; Quinn, Roanoke Voyages , I, pp. 344-348.
BIGGES, WALTER. A
Summarie and True Discourse of Sir Frances [sic] Drakes West
Indian Voyage. (First line of title and a few headlines trimmed.)
With woodcut printer's mark of Richard Field on the title. 4
leaves, 37 (1) pp., 1 blank leaf. Small quarto. Morocco.
London, Roger Ward, 1589.
See illus. p. 120
THE SECOND ENGLISH EDITION, published the same year as the first.
The present Roger Ward edition seems to be less well known than
the Richard Field edition (STC 3056) which preceded it the same
year--see the previous number. STC-Bishop-Ramage locate only 4
copies of the Ward edition as against 11 of the Field. The present
copy has the leaf before the title, blank except for the signature-mark "A," and
the blank leaf at the end.
STC 3057; Sabin 20841; Church 136 (note); Waters (ed.), True
and Perfecte Newes ... Syr Frauncis Drake ,
pp. 53-70; Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages , I, pp.
F., T. The Copie
of a Letter sent from Sea by a Gentleman, who was Employed in
discoverie on the coast of Spaine by appointment of the Generals
of our English Fleets. 4 leaves. With printer's mark on the
title. Small quarto. Morocco. London, Richard Field, 1589.
See illus. p. 151
"T. F." was sent to sea on February 4, 1589, for the purpose
of reconnoitering the Iberian coasts in preparation for the Drake-Norris
expedition of 1589. He gives news of the fate of the Invincible
Armada of the previous year: "And as concerning the last Fleete,
[a marchant of Lisbone] sayth, that of all the ships and carvels
of the Spanish Fleete there are come home but nine and thirtie...but
most of all the men that came home died immediatly at their landing...Also
the Duke of Medina is banished the Court for ever." This latter
detail is quite false--King Philip did not blame the Duke for the
failure of the Armada campaign. He also gives particulars of a
naval action off Lisbon in which a Greek ship laden with wines
from Crete was captured, and predicts great success for the coming
Only three copies of this tract are recorded in STC-Bishop-Ramage.
(WINGFIELD, ANTHONY). A
True Coppie of a Discourse written by a Gentleman, employed in
the late Voyage of Spaine and Portingale. 2 leaves, 58 pp.,
1 blank leaf. (Pp. 27-30 lacking, supplied in photostat.) Woodcut
vignette on the title. Small quarto. Old boards, leather back.
London, printed (by T. Orwin) for Thomas Woodcok, 1589.
See illus. p. 160
FIRST EDITION, FIRST ISSUE. Wingfield's narrative is the most
detailed account extant of the 1589 attack on Spain commanded by
Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Norreys (Norris), which sailed from
Plymouth on April 17, 1589, and returned late in June. In the STC
the book is wrongly ascribed to Queen Elizabeth's favorite, Robert
Devereux, Earl of Essex, who took part in the expedition--much
against the Queen's will--as a volunteer. However, an unnumbered
later listing gives Wingfield as the author. 1
The expedition failed in its principal objective, the raising
of a rebellion in Portugal against King Philip II of Spain, and
the enthroning of Dom Antonio, the last male offshoot of the Aviz
dynasty, in Philip's place. It did a certain amount of damage to
Spanish naval shipping at Corunna, including some remnants of the
Armada of the previous year; and over 60 ships laden with corn
and naval supplies which the English regarded as contraband were
taken near Lisbon from the Hanse.
Two issues of this work are extant; signature E (pp. 25-32),
which relates events of the attack upon Lisbon, in some copies
(including this one) contains a passage in praise of the Earl of
Essex on p. 26 (E
1 verso). As Queen Elizabeth was highly
displeased with the Earl's running off on this voyage against her
orders, it is perhaps likely that the issue with the
passage is the earlier of the two.
1. See Tenison, Elizabethan
England , VIII, pp. 139-140.
Norreysii & Draki in Lusitaniam. 1 leaf, 34 pp. (blank
first and last leaves not present; some damp marks). Small quarto.
English 18th century brown calf. Half morocco case.
London, Thomas Woodcocke, 1589.
See illus. p. 161
FIRST EDITION. One of the most important original sources for
the history of the Drake-Norris attack upon Spain and Portugal
in 1589; it has never been translated into English (except for
brief extracts in Tenison). 1 Historians
of the era have generally overlooked it. It is a diary of the events
of that expedition, from March 15 to July 3; also present are a
preface by O. H. and a postscript purporting to be a letter from
an unnamed person in England to Michael Isselt of Amersfort, asking
him to transmit the diary to King Philip of Spain. Isselt was a
Dutch priest and historian, 2 strongly
devoted to the Spanish and Catholic cause, and it may be surmised
that the letter was ironical in intent. The whole piece is probably
an English propaganda publication, with the Isselt material included
to attract attention to it in the Netherlands. A contemporary writer
has written "errat imp[ud]issime" and "error imp[ud]iss." in the
margins at references to Isselt in the preface and postscript.
Tenison conjectures that the work was written by Anthony Wingfield,
who served as lieutenant-colonel of infantry in the expedition,
but the contents differ widely from the English narrative ascribed
with good reason to that author [see No. 24].
The present copy is very large (205 × 150 mm.), with several
uncut edges of leaves; the fore edge of the title is the original
1. Tenison, Elizabethan
England , VIII, 104-107 (with reprod. of title).
2. Foppens, Bib. Belgica ,
GRUENDTLICHE HISTORIA desz Zugs, Welchen die...Herrn Norwitz
und Drak...in Portugal fuergenommen haben...30 pp., 1 blank
leaf. With armorial woodcut on title and full-page woodcut of "Collonel
Norwitz" on verso. Small 4to. Wrappers. Frankfurt am Main, Paul
The very rare first German edition of the Ephemeris expeditionis .
This is a literal translation of the Latin day-by-day report of
the Drake-Norris expedition to Portugal from March 15 is to July
3, 1589, containing also the preface to Michael Isselt of Amersfort
by O. H., but not the post-script.
Sabin 101423. Not in J. Carter Brown, Harrisse, nor Church; not
in the British Museum.
of the Causes which mooved the chiefe Commanders of the Navie...to
take and arrest in...the River of Lisbone, certaine Shippes.
1 leaf, 21 pp. (Trimming on lower edge affects some catchwords
and signature marks.) With a woodcut vignette on the title, and
full-page woodcut arms of England on verso of tide. Small quarto.
London, Deputies of Christopher Barker, 1589.
See illus. p. 160
First edition in English of this official
diplomatic document, a sort of 16th century "white paper." Two
Latin editions were also published this same year.
When the Drake-Norris expedition against Spain and Portugal arrived
off Lisbon on June 30, 1589, they seized there a large number of
merchant ships, including 60 German Hanse vessels "passing to the
ayde and furnishing of the king of Spaine with corne, and provisions
of warre." 1 The
Hanse towns had protested against this, alleging their neutral
status; this reply quotes from agreements between England and the
Hanse as far back as the reign of Edward I (1302), as well as from
a warning sent to Hamburg in 1585, when English-Spanish hostilities
were impending. 2 The
author cites not only Philip II's overt hostilities against England,
but also his sponsorhip of the Jesuits, who, they say "cease not...to
runne from house to house, and Towne to Towne, stirring up the
people by their whisperings to rebellion, and scattering certaine
1. E. P. Cheyney, "International
law under Queen Elizabeth," in: English Historical Review ,
XX (1905), pp. 659-672.
2. Carl J. Kulsrud, Maritime
Neutrality to 1780 (Boston, 1936), pp. 213-220, 226.
HAKLUYT, RICHARD. The
Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English
Nation, made by Sea or over Land, to the most remote and farthest
distant Quarters of the earth at any time within the compasse
of these 1500 yeeres. 8 leaves; pp. 1-242; 1 blank leaf;
pp. 243-501 (1); 506-643; 6 unnumbered leaves; pp. 644-825; 5
unnumbered leaves (complete). With a large folding engraved map
of the world by Franciscus Hogenberg, after Ortelius. Folio.
Contemporary brown roll-stamped calf (back mended; clasps gone).
London, George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, 1589.
See illus. pp. 50, 60, 69-80
FIRST EDITION: a "stout quarto volume which...signalized the
rise of England to maritime power." Hakluyt's great collection
is an almost inexhaustible archive of information on exploration,
trade and navigation after a century of unparalleled endeavor.
With rare tact, thoroughness and dedication he collected authoritative
accounts from published works, merchants' papers, private archives,
the records of state and through extensive private contacts. Although
collections of voyages were a widespread and admired form of publication
in the sixteenth century, Hakluyt's work is the first one to be
organized on a national rather than a general basis, though he
did not exclude accounts of voyages by foreigners of particular
relevance to English enterprises. It is difficult to overestimate
the great value of Hakluyt's labors as a historian of discovery
and colonization, or even as an outstanding prose writer in the
greatest age of English literature. 1
This copy of the work contains the first narrative to be published
of Drake's circumnavigation of the globe: here, as in other copies,
it appears on the six unnumbered leaves following p. 643. It is
curious to note that in his preface Hakluyt specifically mentions
that he is excluding the Drake narrative, after originally hoping
to be able to print it--as would, of course, seem only natural
with the most celebrated English voyage of the century, and indeed
of all time, in question. But he had changed this plan so as "not
to anticipate or prevent another mans paines and charge in drawing
all the services of that worthie Knight into one volume." Evidently
this project of a separate publication of accounts of all Drake
voyages to that date was soon after abandoned, as Hakluyt again
changed his intention, reverting to his original plan, but only
after most, at least, of his book had been printed. Comparison
of his text with other literary and cartographic references shows
that it can hardly have appeared later than 1592 2 ;
while the paper and type used for it were apparently the same as
those employed in the main volume. It is thought that it was a
frequent practice to draw up and print the tide-page last in a
work of this size: hence the allusion in it to the circumnavigation
is correct, and conveys Hakluyt's final, rather than his first
intention. These leaves are often lacking, but where found, they
are usually inserted as in this copy, which was presumably Hakluyt's
intention. 3 All
Hakluyt's ability as an editor seems to have been called on in
compiling his own narrative, "wherin I must confess to have taken
more than ordinary paines." 4
On the same page, Hakluyt refers to the map accompanying the
volume--a reproduction of the "Typus Orbis Terrarum" engraved by
Franciscus Hogenberg for Abraham Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis
Terrarum of 1570, 5 stating
I have contented myselfe with inserting into the worke
one of the best generall mappes of the world onely, untill the
comming out of a very large and most exact terrestriall globe,
collected and reformed according to the newest, secretest, and
latest discoveries, both Spanish, Portugall and English, composed
by Mr. Emmerie Molineux of Lambeth, a rare Gentleman in his profession,
being therin for divers yeeres.
Molyneux's pioneering great globes appeared in 1592, the terrestrial
one of the pair bearing Drake's track around the world, and they
did set new standards for English geographers. 6 It
is, however, uncertain whether the plane map Hakluyt seems to have
hoped Molyneux would produce ever appeared, though possibly the
excellent "new map of the Indies" often associated with the second
edition of the present work, owes much to him? 7
STC 12626; Sabin 29594; Church 139; John Carter Brown I (2),
1. G. B. Parks, Richard
Hakluyt and the English Voyages (New York, 1928), pp. 124-132.
2. Henry R. Wagner, Sir
Francis Drake's voyage around the world , pp. 231-232, 238-239.
3. W. H. Kerr, "The treatment
of Drake's circumnavigation in Hakluyt's 'Voyages,' 1589," in: Papers
of the Bibliographical Society of America , XXXIV (1940),
4. In the preliminaries of
the work here described, leaf 4
5. A. M. Hind, Engraving
in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries ,
I, p. 179.
6. Helen M. Wallis, "The
first English globe: a recent discovery," in: Geographical
Journal , CXVII (1951), pp. 275-290; ibid., "Further light
on the Molyneux globes," in: ibid. , CXXI (1955), pp.
7. C. H. Coote, "Shakspere's
New Map," in: Transactions of the New Shakspere Society (1877),
pp. 88-100 Hind, I, pp. 178-181.
(VIQUE MANRIQUE, PEDRO). La
Vista que V[uestra] S[eñoría] Vio en Revista entre
el Licenciado Alonso Perez de Salazar...con don Pedro Vique Manrique,
cabo y Capitan general que fue de las Galeras de la Costa de
Cartagena, de las Indias leaves. Folio. Half vellum.
(Madrid, c. 1590)
See illus. p. 128
A work containing new evidence concerning the Drake raid on the
Spanish Main in 1586. The document is an appeal for the commutation
of the sentence of death passed on Don Pedro Vique Manrique, commander
of the galley flotilla at Cartagena, on charges arising out of
the disastrous Spanish defeat by Drake there. Appeal is here lodged
against the royal prosecutor ( fiscal ), Licenciado
Pérez de Salazar. In seeking to extenuate his offenses this
statement sets out details, on leaves 8-11, of Don Pedro's valuable
services during Drake's attack on Cartagena, when Vique Manrique,
who nominally held only a naval command, was forced to take over
control of the city because of the incompetence of the Governor. 1 This
copy is signed "Xandres" (?) on the last page--presumably the name
of Don Pedro's attorney. The testimony of eyewitnesses of the capture
of the city is quoted at length.
Drake's expedition had a mixed success at Cartagena. He was able
to take a quite strongly held city very quickly. But he secured
very little plunder there, as the citizens had been warned of his
approach, and had removed their valuables; he had, furthermore,
to debit against this the very heavy casualties among his men from
sickness in the fleet. The galleys and the city's defensive works
were, however, destroyed. Drake took approximately 300 liberated
galley slaves back to England with him from Cartagena: some were
Englishmen and other western Europeans caught raiding in the Caribbean,
but most were Turks and Moors whom Queen Elizabeth caused the Levant
Company to repatriate to the Ottoman Empire. 2
Sentence of death was eventually passed upon Vique Manrique because
of serious frauds he had committed: it did not result primarily
from his military failure, although this was the occasion which
provoked the charges against him. Don Pedro came from an old Aragonese
family and had given distinguished service in the Spanish galleys
in the Mediterranean, notably under Don John of Austria at Lepanto.
He had been selected to take command during the adventurous voyage
of the galleys destined to form a flotilla to police the coast
of the Spanish Main, crossing the Atlantic in company with Don
Cristóbal de Eraso in 1578. 3 The
flotilla, intended to prevent raids by marauders like Drake and
John Oxenham in 1572-3 and 1575-6, had been largely successful
in keeping the coast clear for a number of years, until it was
overwhelmed by Drake's force in February 1586. 4 Investigation
into Vique's tenure of command then revealed that his galleys had
been culpably declining in efficiency for a number of years. He
had allowed slaves and convicts to escape, had spent far too much
time in harbor and had used the galleys for private trade. It was
also concluded that he had seized provisions from Spanish trading
vessels he ought to have protected, on the pretext that they were
needed for his galleys: he had then, in fact, sold the supplies
and pocketed the proceeds. His flagrantly disreputable private
life outraged the austere rectitude of Philip II's officialdom,
and he outraged the King's conscience when it was determined that
he had enslaved Indians. Owing to the powerfully argued extenuating
circumstances, however, this appeal was successful in securing
the commutation of the sentence to life imprisonment, and Vique's
brother, the Bishop of Majorca, eventually secured his release
from the castle of Peñíscola. 5
Vique Manrique's defense of Cartagena is described by Irene A.
Wright in Further English Voyages to Spanish America ,
and in Thomas Greepe's True and Perfecte Newes , as
edited by David W. Waters (1955). Neither of these works mentions
Not in Palau; not in Medina, Biblioteca Hispano-Americana ,
nor in the standard bibliographies of Americana.
1. Irene A. Wright (ed.), Further
English Voyages to Spanish America , pp. xliii-lv; Thomas
Greepe, David W. Waters (ed.), True and Perfecte Newes of ... Syr
Frauncis Drake , pp. 38-40.
2. E. P. Cheyney, A History
of England from the defeat of the Armada to the death of Queen
Elizabeth , I, pp. 384, 390.
3. Cf. Nos. 46 and 47.
4. Cf. the Duke of Medina
Sidonia's pungent remarks in section 11 of his 1586 memorandum
5. Archivo General de Indias,
Seville, Patronato 270, no. 1, ramo 24: dossier to support Don
Pedro Vique Manrique's appeal for remission of sentence, 1594.
RELACION del Viage
que hizieron las cinco Fragatas de Armada de su Magestad, yendo
por Cabo dellas Don Pedro Tello de Guzman, este
Present Año de Noventa y cinco . (Caption title). 4 leaves. Small
quarto. Tan polished calf, gilt line borders, gilt back.
Seville, Rodrigo de Cabrera, after February 21, 1596.
See illus. p. 174
The narrative of Drake's repulse at Puerto Rico shortly before
his death, which is apparently unrecorded. Palau (No. 257265) does
note one edition, but there are differences of spelling which make
it quite certain that the present piece is not being described
(e.g., Palau gives "hicieron," instead of "hizieron," as above; "cinco" for "las
cinco"; "de la Armada" for "de Armada").
The narrative tells how Don Pedro Tello sailed from San Lucar
for America on September 25, 1595 and how his frigates captured
a small vessel from the Drake-Hawkins flotilla off Guadeloupe and
learned from it of the intended attack on the treasure ships at
Puerto Rico. It relates the measures taken for the defense of that
place, and Drake's attack and repulse there. Events are related
down to December 20, 1595.
Drake's lack of success on this voyage may be attributed at least
in part to Don Pedro's enterprise and spirit, which contrasts most
strongly with that of some other of Drake's opponents in America.
HAKLUYT, RICHARD. The Principal Navigations, Voiages, Traffiques
and Discoveries of the English Nation. 3 volumes bound in 2. 12
leaves, 620 pp.; 8 leaves, 312, 204 pp.; 8 leaves, 868 pp. Folio.
English 18th century diced Russia calf, gilt tooled borders, backs
elaborately gilt tooled in the compartments (by Roger Payne). London,
George Bishop, Ralfe Newberie, and Robert Barker, 1598, 1599, 1600.
[ Vol. 1 ]
[ Vol. 2 ]
See illus. pp. 109, 178
"This is a much enlarged edition of Hakluyt's collection of voyages
published in 1589. The third volume relates entirely to America...Hakluyt's Principall
Navigations was the fruit of a life devoted to promoting
the cause of English colonization and commerce by disseminating
Copies of this work are known with the title page of Volume I
dated 1589, and including the "Honorable voyage unto Cadiz, 1596" on
pp. 607-619; with the 1598 tide, but without the Cadiz voyage,
or with a reprint of it; and with a title dated 1599, reset to
omit any reference to Cadiz. The present Vol. I has the first issue
title, dated 1598 and with mention of Cadiz, but has pp. 607-620
in reprint (as described in Church Cat., II, 756, no. 3). There
are a few insignificant marginal damp marks, breaks, etc., but
the copy is on the whole a fine one.
Vol. III contains, among other very interesting material, "The
famous voyage of Sir Francis Drake...about the whole Globe of the
earth" (1577-1580), on pp. 730-742, which was slightly revised
after its appearance with the 1589 edition. A part of "The famous
voyage..." is repeated, as Hakluyt in this edition inserted it
in Volume III, pp. 440-442, apparently to emphasize Drake's achievement
as an explorer of California.
Sabin 29595, 29597-8; Church 322; J. C. Brown I (2), 360, 372-3;
BRY, THEODOR DE. Grands
Voyages. (Latin edition). Parts VI-IX. Bound in one volume.
With numerous engraved maps and plates. Blank lower margin of
title cut off. Folio. Contemporary vellum, black line borders,
fleurons. Stamped ex libris on titles and last page. Frankfurt,
See illus. pp. 90-91, 126-127
The first Latin edition of each part. Part
VIII contains the narratives of Drake's voyages of 1577-1580; 1585-1586;
and 1595-1596. Among the engravings to this part are the fine double-hemisphere
world map, showing the track of the circumnavigation, and with
an inset portrait of Drake; an engraving showing Drake's reception
by the California Indians; one showing him on the coast of Patagonia;
and 4 engravings after Boazio of his captures of Santiago, Santo
Domingo, Cartagena, and St. Augustine.
The parts are:
- VI: Americae Pars Sexta. (Benzoni, part 3). Frankfurt, 1596.
84 leaves, the last blank. With a folding map of the western
hemisphere; double-page view of Cuzco; and 28 engravings.
- VII: Americae Pars VII. Frankfurt, de Bry, 1599. 32 leaves,
the last blank. With one engraving.
The travels of Ulrich Schmidel in Brazil and Paraguay.
- VIII: Americae Pars VIII. Continens...Descriptionem Itinerum...Francisci
Draken...Secundo, iter...Thomae Candisch...Tertio, duo itinera...Gualtheri
Ralegh. Frankfurt, de Bry, 1599. 110 leaves, the last blank.
With a map on the title; folding map of northeastern South America,
and 18 engravings.
- IX: Americae Nona et Postrema Pars. Frankfurt, Becker, 1602.306
leaves, including two blanks. With an engraved map of the Strait
of Magellan, and 39 engravings.
This part includes Acosta's Historia ... de las
Indias , and the de Weert and van Noort voyages to the East
Church 158; 161; 163; 168.
32. BRY, THEODOR DE. [ Vol.
1 ] [ Vol.
Grands Voyages. (German edition). Parts I-XII. Bound in two volumes.
With numerous engraved maps and plates. Folio. Contemporary manuscript
marginalia in German throughout. Blind-tooled pigskin over boards,
with date 1659 and initials "H.V.G" stamped on front covers.
Oppenheim and Frankfurt am Main, 1599-1623.
See illus. pp. 92, 93
Drake narratives in Part VIII comprise the expeditions of 1577-1580
(the circumnavigation); 1585-1586; and 1595-1596. Among the illustrations
of Drake's voyages are the celebrated four views of the cities
captured on his voyage of 1585-1586: Santiago, Santo Domingo, Cartagena,
and St. Augustine. The latter engraving is the first picture of
any city now in the United States (apparently the third version
of this engraving).
Parts I and VII are in the third, Parts II-VI in the second,
and Parts VIII-XII in the first German editions. The parts are
- HARIOT, THOMAS. Wunderbarliche/doch warhafftige Erklärung/von...Virginia.
3rd edition in German. Oppenheim, Hieronymus Galler, 1620. Complete
with engraved title; double folio map of Virginia; Adam and Eve
plate; and 22 (numbered) engraved plates (2 of them from the
2nd German edition). 2 additional plates from the first edition
in Latin, 1590.
- LAUDONNIèRE, RENé GOULèNE DE. Der ander
Theil...von dreyen Schiffahrten/so die Frantzosen in Floridam...gethan.
2nd edition in German. Frankfurt am Main, Wolffgang Richter,
1603. Complete with engraved title; letterpress title to plates;
engraved double folio map of Florida; engraving of Noah's sacrifice;
and 42 (numbered) engravings in the text.
- STADEN, JOHANN AND JEAN DE LéRY. Dritte Buch Americae...Brasilia.
2nd edition in German. Frankfurt am Main, Theodor de Bry (Johann
Theod. de Bry), 1593 (c. 1606-1612). With engraved title and
30 engravings in the text (several repeats, as indicated in Church
Catalogue). (Engraved map of South America and signatures A-D,
preliminary to "Schiffahrt in Brasilien," including 2nd engraved
title, not present).
- BENZONI, GIROLAMO. (Das vierte Buch...von dem Nidergängischen
Indien/so von Christophoro Columbo im Jar 1492...erfunden). 2nd
edition in German. (Frankfurt am Main, Matthias Beckers Wittib,
1613). With engraved title of the 2nd edition in Latin (should
have tide in German); 2nd engraved title (variant state); engraving "America
Retectio"; and 24 (numbered) engraved plates (nos. I-XV from
the 1st German edition; XVI-XXIV from the 2nd German edition).
Engraved map of the West Indies; and signature "A" (4 leaves)
of Benzoni's history not present (replaced by 3 leaves with repeats
of plates I-III).
- BENZONI, GIROLAMO. (Americae Das Fünffte Buch). 2nd edition
in German. (Frankfurt am Main, Erasmus Kempffer, 1613). With
engraved title of the 2nd edition in Latin (should have title
in German); letterpress title to plates, dated 1613; engraved
double folio map of Mexico; and 22 (numbered) engraved plates
(nos. XVI and XIX from 1st German edition; plates VIII-XI not
present and replaced by plates VIII-XI from Part IV).
- BENZONI, GIROLAMO. Das sechste Theil Americae...wie die Spanier
die...Landschafften dess Peruauischen Königreiches eingenommen.
2nd edition in German, 1st issue. (Oppenheim, Hieronymus Galler),
1619. Complete with engraved title; letterpress title to plates,
dated 1618; engraved double folio map of the western hemisphere;
double folio plan of Cuzco; coat-of-arms of Maurice of Hesse;
and 28 (numbered) engraved plates.
- SCHMIDL, ULRICH. (ULRICUS FABER). Das VII. Theil...etlicher...Landschafften
und Insulen. (Voyage to Brazil and Paraguay). 2nd edition in
German, here called the 3rd. Oppenheim, Hieronymus Galler, 1617.
Complete with engraved title.
- (DRAKE, SIR FRANCIS).--SIR WALTER RALEGH AND FRANK PRETTY.
(Three voyages by Drake and Hawkins). Americae Achter Theil...Königreich
Guiana.--Zum andern/die Reyse dess...Thomas Candisch. 1st edition
in German. Frankfurt am Main, Matthäus Becker, 1599. Complete
with 3 titles with title vignettes, dated 1599 and 1600; letterpress
title to plates; engraved double folio map of Guiana; and 21
engraved plates (numbered I-VI; I-XV).
- ACOSTA, JOSEPH DE, S.J. Neundter und Letzter Theil. (Historia,
plus De Weert's and van Noort's circumnavigations). 1st edition
in German. Frankfurt am Main, Wolffgang Richter, 1601. With engraved
title and 2 printed titles with title engravings, dated 1601
and 1602; letterpress title to plates; and 39 engraved plates
(numbered I-XXV; I-XIV). Engraved map of the Strait of Magellan
and folio "(?)
2 " (dedication to the Landgrave of Hesse)
- VESPUCCI, AMERIGO AND JOHN SMITH. Zehender Theil...Erstlich/zwo
Schiffarten Herrn Americi Vesputii...Zum andern:...Bericht von...Virginien...Zum
dritten: Beschreibung dess newen Engellands...von Capitein Johann
Schmiden. Sole edition in German. Oppenheim, Hieronymus Galler,
1618. Complete with title engraving of two ships under full sail;
letterpress title to plates; and 12 (numbered) engraved plates.
Blank leaf "C
4 " present, as in Crawford copy. Additional
engraved map of the two hemispheres (not called for in either
Church or Crawford copies), bound in before letterpress title
- SCHOUTEN, WILLEM.-J. LE MAIRE.-J. VAN SPILBERGHEN. Historische
Beschreibung Der wunderbarlichen Reyse. Sole edition in German.
Frankfurt am Main, Paul Jacobi, 1619. Complete with 2 titles
with large engraved vignettes (the first repeated in plate I);
letterpress title to plates; 3 engraved maps (2 of them double
folio); and 29 engraved plates. Blank leaf "E
4 " present,
as in Crawford copy.
- HERRERA, ANTONIO DE. Zwölffter Theil...Entdeckung aller der
West Indianischen Landschafften. Sole edition in German. Frankfurt
am Main, Joh. Theodor de Bry, 1623. With engraved title, and
14 engraved maps (misbound with Part VII). Engraved double folio
map of western hemisphere and plan of Cuzco (repeats from Part
VI) not present here.
It should be noted that copies in contemporary binding, as this
one, invariably are of differing states and editions,
and are plus and/or minus various leaves. The present copy is in
an unusually well preserved binding; the impressions of the plates
are generally clear and dark.
Church nos. 178; 180; 182; 184; 187; 189; 192; 194; 195; 196;
198; 199. Earl of Crawford, Bib. Lindesiana , Coll. & Notes,
no. 3, pp. 3-47.
ARGENSOLA, BARTOLOME LEONARDO DE. Conquistas
de las Islas Malucas. 5 leaves, 411 (misnumb. 407) pp. With
engraved title page by P. Perret (closely shaved, with loss of
engraver's name). Small folio. Contemp. mottled calf (rebacked).
From the library of Sir Charles Killigrew (1655-1725), with his
signature on the first page and with armorial bookplate and signature
of Joseph Harford, dated 1780. Madrid, Alonso Martin, 1609.
See illus. pp. 97, 114
First edition of a book starting with
early voyages of discovery by the Spanish and Portuguese, the English
and the Dutch and including Magellan's and Sir Francis Drake's
voyages. It deals in detail with the history of the conquest of
the Moluccas and adjacent islands, with their natural history and
with the language, manner and customs of the natives.
Leonardo de Argensola (1562-1631) was royal chaplain and rector
of Villahermosa; his work has been praised for his good judgment
and elegance of style; it was translated into English, French and
Palau 16089; Sabin 1946; Medina, Bibliog. de Filipinas ,
48; Perez Pastor, Bibliog. Madrileña , 1046.
ROSACCIO, GIUSEPPE. Discorso...Nel
quale si tratta breuemente della Nobilita, & Eccellenza della
Terra rispetto à Cieli, & altri Elementi. 12 leaves.
With engraved portrait of the author, by Luigi Rosaccio, and
a double folio map of the two hemispheres, engraved by Alovisio
Rosaccio. Small folio. Three quarter vellum. Florence, Volcmar
Tedesco (c. 1610).
See illus. pp. 99, 100
A little known work embodying a geography of world-wide scope,
including up-to-date information on the comparatively recent discovery
of the American continent. Among the accounts of various expeditions,
the book includes (on leaf C
2v .) a detailed reference
to Sir Francis Drake's famous circumnavigation of 1577-1580 when
he made his passage through the Strait of Magellan with the aim
of exploring the South Sea. The author mentions Drake's stay with
the friendly California Indians, his return voyage via the Molucca
Islands, where he negotiated the important agreements for English
trade with the Spice Islands, and his arrival at Plymouth in 1580.
Following the Drake account is a reference to the later circumnavigation
of Thomas Cavendish (Tomaso Gãdiz), made in 1586-1588.
The book contains an interesting planisphere map, with the two
facing orbs above a small Ptolemy world map, engraved by Alovisio
Rosaccio. The left hemisphere shows the New World, with the Pacific
Ocean as far as New Guinea, and Tierra del Fuego as an integral
part of the otherwise unknown Southern continent; the right globe:
Europe, Asia, Africa, with Japan to the extreme right, and the
Southern continent (Terra Incognita) continued across the entire
bottom of the map. In the center of the map are a portrait vignette
of the young Duke Cosimo II de Medici (to whom the book is dedicated)
and the Medici arms. As Rosaccio states himself (leaf C
this map is an improved version of another planisphere map which
he published in 1597, bearing the same title and with the data
on America newly made public added to it.
Giuseppe Rosaccio (c. 1530-1620), a physician and cosmographer,
published a number of geographical works, among them an edition
of Ptolemy in 1598, which he mentions in the present work (leaf
2v .) and for which he became widely known. The Discorso is
Rosaccio's last work.
Sabin 73194 (suggesting the date of 1615); Liruti, Notizie
delle vite ed opere scritte da letterati del Friuli , IV,
166-169. Almagiá, "Un grande planisfero di Giuseppe Rosaccio," in: Rivista
Geogr. Italiana , 1924.
ORLERS, JEAN, AND HENRY DE HAESTENS. Description
et représentation de Toutes les Victoires...souz la Conduite
de...Maurice de Nassau. 4 leaves, 284 pp. (misnumbered 282).
With engraved title, coat of arms, portrait, and 42 double-page
engravings. Folio. Contemp. vellum. Leyden, 1612.
See illus. p. 155
First edition in French. This work includes
one of the very rare contemporary representations of the Armada
battle. The Spanish fleet is shown fleeing in confusion, closely
followed by the English, past Gravelines on the Flemish coast;
Calais and Dover are shown in the background. The accompanying
text (pages 36-59) comprises a French translation of the Relacion
de los galeones (a detailed listing of the naval and military
strength of the Armada) and a narrative of the Armada battle. This
gives a lengthy account of the events of August 8th, when the fleets
were fighting off the coasts of the Netherlands.
The work offers pictures and descriptions of many other very
interesting events in the lifetime of Count Maurice of Nassau,
including the English-Dutch raid on Cadiz, led by the Earl of Essex
and Lord Howard of Effingham in 1596, and the defeat and death
of Federico Spínola, commanding the Spanish galleys.
Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange (1567-1625) was one of the
greatest soldiers of his family. He contributed greatly to the
victory of the Dutch in their war with Spain. At the end is printed
the text of the 12-year truce concluded in 1609, which virtually
assured Dutch independence.
BLUNDEVILLE, THOMAS. His
Exercises, containing eight Treatises. 8 leaves (the first
blank), 799 pp. With 2 folding plates, 1 map of France, 1 folding
table, 3 volvelles, all in woodcut, and numerous woodcut diagrams
in the text (pointer of one volvelle lacking). Quarto. Contemporary
brown polished calf, blind-stamped on sides and back.
London, William Stansby, 1613.
See illus. p. 101
A handbook of basic knowledge composed for a young gentleman
who wished to instruct himself in what was then known as the "art," now
the science of navigation, as it was practiced towards the end
of the Elizabethan period.
Included in the section on globes are two chapters on the circumnavigations
of Drake and Cavendish. They describe (p. 535) the routes taken
by Drake in 1577-1580, and by Cavendish in 1586-1588, as marked
on the terrestrial globe constructed by Emery Molyneux of London
in 1592. The author relates the passage of both men through the
Strait of Magellan. In mentioning Drake's stay on the Californian
coast Blundeville specifically points out his trip north to the
bay which he then named "Nova Albion."
The last section was revised and printed for this edition, the
fourth; the others were written for the first edition of 1594.
STC 3149; Nederlandsch Historisch Scheepvaart Museum, Catalogus
d. Bibliotheek , I, p. 15; David W. Waters, The Art
of Navigation , pp. 212-215; Henry R. Wagner, Sir
Francis Drake's Voyage around the world (quoting Blundeville's
account of Drake's voyage from the 1594 ed., pp. 310-313).
CABRERA DE CORDOVA, LUIS. Filipe
Segvndo Rey de España. Al Serenisimo Principe sv nieto
esclarecido Don Filipe de Austria. 4 leaves, 1182 pp. (numbered
1-328, ff. 329*-331*, pp. 329-1176), 30 leaves. With fine engraved
tide page showing Philip II in full armor as champion of the
Faith, fighting against two armed opponents, in a landscape with
the Escorial in the background (by Petret). With contemporary
owner's manuscript inscriptions of the Lisbon Monastery of Saint
Paul of Thebes, the first Eremite. Contemporary Spanish mottled
calf, gilt back (rubbed).
Madrid, Luis Sánchez, 1619.
See illus. pp. 52, 98
This biography of Philip II of Spain includes two events from
Sir Francis Drake's life which were of the greatest consequence
for his fame and career. The earlier incident (Vol. I, Bk. viii,
Ch. 10, p. 515) relates his defeat by a Spanish fleet at the port
of Veracruz, San Juan de Ulúa, where the English ships had
taken shelter during their 1568 voyage under the command of John
Hawkins (Juan Aquinas). The English ships were victims of a surprise
assault by Don Martin Enríquez, the new Viceroy of Mexico,
who had arrived in the port on board of the Spanish treasure fleet.
It caused great loss of life and destroyed all but two of the English
ships. Drake never forgot this experience of Spanish treachery
and it was then and there that he set his mind on revenge and engaged
himself in a personal war with the Spanish empire and Philip II.
Naturally, the incident is here told from the Spanish point of
view, accusing Drake of the desertion of his commander Hawkins
and of pocketing the trading profits as he slunk back in solitude
The other Drake reference is to his circumnavigation of 1577-1580
(Vol. II, Bk. xii, Ch. 23, pp. 1071-1072) when he made the passage
through the Strait of Magellan with the aim of exploring the South
Sea. On his way up the west coast of America, he captured his richest
prey ever, the treasure ship Nuestra Señora de la Concepción ,
also called the Cacafuego. The author also relates Drake's
important achievement during that voyage, his negotiation of an
agreement for English trade with the Spice Islands of the Moluccas
on behalf of his Queen.
Palau 38917; Pérez Pastor 1586; Salva 1850; Heredia 7162;
Wagner, Spanish South West , 25 (locating no copy in
America). Not in Medina, Sabin, Church, or J. C. Brown catalogues.
CARO DE TORRES, FRANCISCO. Relacion
de los Servicios que hizo a Su Magestad del Rey Don Felipe Segundo
y Tercero, don Alonso de Sotomayor...en las Provincias de Chile,
y Tierrafirme, donde fue Capitan General. 10 leaves, 88 ff.
With woodcut arms of Sotomayor on the title and verso of prelim.
leaf (8). Small quarto. Contemporary vellum.
Madrid, viuda de Cosine Delgado, 1620.
See illus. pp. 172-173
The detailed narrative of the resistance to the raid on Spanish
America made by Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins, in 1595-1596,
when Sotomayor was in charge of the land defenses around Panama.
This portion of the narrative is on ff. 49-78, and is an important
account of the affair from the Spanish point of view. The defense
was so well conducted that the expedition was unsuccessful, and
both Hawkins and Drake died during its course. The book includes
also an account of Sotomayor's services in Chile, where he was
military commander from 1581 to 1595.
The book is extant in two different editions, both with the same
imprint and date. The bibliographer O. Rich first distinguished
them, noting that in one edition, line 7 of preliminary leaf 2
recto reads "contra la armada Inglesa" (as in the present copy),
and that the other reads at that place "cõtra la armada Inglesa." There
are, in addition, a great many other typographical differences;
the woodcut coat of arms is from different blocks in the two editions;
and woodcut initial letters are entirely different. In some copies
(including this one) a 2-leaf"Indice" occurs among the preliminary
leaves; it is, however, not noted in Medina's detailed collation,
and the leaves apparently were not issued with all copies. Unfortunately
Medina considered that the "contra"--"cõtra" difference was simply
a press correction or variant (Rich having noted only that one
point of difference), and in this he was followed by Palau. As
a result, it is impossible to tell whether a particular recorded
copy is of one edition or the other. There is no known priority
of the editions.
Medina, Biblioteca Hispano-Chilena I, pp. 167-171,
no. 48; Palau 44868; J. C. Brown II (1), 145; Sabin 10952.
HOLLAND, HENRY. Herwologia
Anglica, Hoc Est, Clarissimorum et Doctissimorum Aliquot Anglorum
Qui Floruerunt ab Anno Cristi M. D. usq' ad Presentem Annum M.
D. C. XX. Vivae Effigies. 10 leaves, 240 pp. With engraved
title and 67 full-page portrait engravings by Willem and Magdalena
van de Passe. Folio. Russia calf (hinges mended). From the collection
of Sir Robert Naunton (1563-1635); manuscript ex libris "Sr.
G. N." on title (= ? Gulielmus Naunton, Robert Naunton's brother
and heir); engraved exlibris of George Rushout, Baron Northwick
(1811-1887); and E. G. Spencer-Churchill. Arnhem, Crispin van
de Passe and Janson, (1620).
See illus. pp. 45, 51, 138
FIRST EDITION of this splendid series of English portraits. The
work is in two parts, the first containing eulogies and portraits
of sailors, soldiers and statesmen; the second, of scholars and
clerics. Among those included are Sir Francis Drake (p. 106), with
a long biographical sketch giving an account of his expeditions
(pp. 107-110); Sir John Hawkins (pp. 102-105) with an account of
the disastrous expedition of 1567-1569; Martin Frobisher (pp. 95-100),
Drake's Vice-Admiral in the West Indies raid of 1585-1586, and
his associate in the Armada campaign; Christopher Carleil (pp.
93-96), commander of the infantry in the 1585-1586 raid. Other
notables included, among them some of interest to Americanists,
are Queen Elizabeth, the Earl of Essex, Sir Humphrey Gilbert and
Sir Richard Grenville. Among the scholars and divines are Drake's
friend John Fox, William Tyndale, John Rainolds and John Caius.
The chief merit of this copy lies in the fact that it bears extensive
additions and annotations in the handwriting of Sir Robert Naunton,
in his youth an associate of Robert, Earl of Essex, and later Secretary
of State to King James I. Naunton is best known for his Fragmenta
Regalia , "a valuable account of the chief courtiers of Queen
Elizabeth" (D. N. B.). Naunton's additions are as follows:
- P. 117. Earl of Essex portrait. Poem in Latin, 26 Lines of
elegiac verse, plus several lines of headings. A note in English: "They
made him a traitor by inference (?)" reflects Naunton's favorable
view of his old patron.
- P. 123. Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury. Naunton has written
in Cecil's motto, "Sero, sed serios" and written two epigrams
(6 and 2 lines) in Latin on Cecil.
- Pp. 140-141. Epitaph in English, 4 lines, by R. Naunton, on
Anne Naunton; epitaph of 12 lines, in English, by A. N., in R.
Naunton's hand; epitaph of 7 lines in Latin; quotations from
Plato, Seneca, Cicero.
- P. 33. Quotation in Greek from St. Gregory Nazianzen, opposite
portrait of Jane Gray.
Besides these, there are a number of notes of a few words' length,
underlinings, etc., throughout the volume. The writing has been
compared with a specimen supplied by the British Museum. Most of
the writing in this volume is in an "Italian" cursive, while the
specimen is in Elizabethan script; there is, however, enough Elizabethan
in the volume ( e.g. the side notes on pp. 117, 165,
166) to establish that this is indeed R. Naunton's writing. Most
of this material has been published in Memoirs of Robert Naunton ,
This copy has all the errors of pagination of the "A" variety
listed by Hind (p. 148). It has one of the two added leaves, the
Index, but not the added poem by I. Gruterus.
STC 13582; Hind, Engraving in England , II, 145-162.
PURCHAS, SAMUEL. Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes.
Contayning a History of the World, in Sea voyages, & lande-Trauells,
by Englishmen & others. With : the fourth edition
of the Pilgrimage. Together 5 volumes. [ Vol.
1 ] [ Vol.
2 ] [ Vol.
3 ] [ Vol.
4 ] [ Vol.
5 ] Engraved title of volume I not present; double folio map
of "China" present only once, in volume V (between pp. 436 and
space in place of the small map of "New Spaine" in volume II. With more than
70 maps, many of them folding and double folio, engraved for Purchas by Henricus
Hondius, and numerous engraved plates in the text. Folio. Contemporary brown
calf, gilt on sides and back, green leather labels (volume V, the Pilgrimage ,
wrongly numbered "6"). (By Hering).
London, William Stansby for Henry Fetherstone, 1625-1626.
See illus, pp. 102, 105
First edition of Purchas' famous Pilgrimes. Together
with the fourth edition, ("the best") of the Pilgrimage ,
it forms a complete set and is "one of the fullest and most important
collections of early voyages and travels in the English language" (Sabin).
The Rev. Samuel Purchas was Richard Hakluyt's literary executor,
and papers containing much material not used by Hakluyt came into
his possession. His book is thus a continuation and enlargement
of the Principall Navigations , with the addition of
many more voyages and travels of English, Dutch, Spanish and Portuguese
Volume I contains the first issue of pp. 703-706, and the uncancelled
map "Designatio Orbis Christiani" (p. 65), instead of the map in
two hemispheres usually substituted for it. The fourth edition
of the Pilgrimage --volume V of this set--is here present
in its first issue, differing from the Church copy. Captain John
Smith's map of Virginia in volume IV has the page numbers 1692
and 1693 in the upper comers and is present in its fifth state,
which is appropriate for this appearance.
The discoveries made in the American continent occupy much of
volumes I and V, and most of volume IV.
The following narratives included by Purchas relate to Sir Francis
Volume I, Book 2, Chapter 3: "The Circum-Navigation of the Earth:
Or the renowned Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, the first Generall
which euer sayled about the whole Globe begun in the yeere of our
Lord, 1577..." (this is very little changed from the account published
by Richard Hakluyt); and volume IV, Book 6, Chapter 4, pp. 1179-1186: "A
briefe Historie of Sir Francis Drake's Voyages." Book 10, Part
2 pertains to the wars between England and Spain and includes,
in Chapter 12, "A Discourse of the Portugall Voyage, A. 1589, Sir
John Norris and Sir Francis Drake Generalls, written (as is thought)
by Colonell Antonie Wingfield..."
STC 20508-20509; Sabin 66683-66686; 66682; J. C. Brown, II, pp.
129-131; Church 401 A; Winsor III. p. 47.
RELATION. ..der...vier Schiffarten...Ferdinandi Magellani...Francisci
Draconis...Thomae Candisch...Olivarii von Noort...So alle vier
umb den gantzen Erdtkreiss gesegelt. 3 leaves, 53, (1) pp.
With title engraving, 9 folding maps, 6 full-page engravings,
and an engr. coat of arms. Small quarto. Boards, vellum back.
Frankfurt, Hartmann Palthenius and Levinus Hulsius, 1626.
See illus. pp. 94, 95
A narrative of the four earliest circumnavigations of the world,
forming part 6 of the Hulsius series of voyages; the present copy
is of the third Hulsius edition. The narrative of Drake's circumnavigation
is taken from Hakluyt. Engravings illustrating the Drake voyage
show his capture of the Spanish treasure ship Cacafuego ,
and his visit to the Sultan of Ternate. Drake's portrait is in
a roundel in the title engraving.
Church 284; Lenox Lib., Hulsius , p. 11; J. C. Brown
(DRAKE, SIR FRANCIS, 1st baronet, ed.) The
World Encompassed By Sir Francis Drake, Being his next voyage
to that to Nombre de Dios formerly imprinted; Carefully collected
out of the notes of Master Francis Fletcher Preacher in this
imployment, and divers others. 2 leaves, 108 pp. With an
engraved portrait of Drake, and a folded engraved map by Robert
Vaughan. Small quarto. Red morocco, g.e., by W. Pratt.
See illus. pp. 38, 66, 83, 84, 89
First edition of the earliest detailed
account of the famous voyage of circumnavigation to appear. Although
Drake himself is known to have kept a journal of the voyage, which
he presented to Queen Elizabeth, this is not now extant. It is
certain that English policy was to suppress detailed information
on the voyage, probably because of its questionable, semi-piratical
Fletcher was not very friendly to Drake, perhaps because he had
been quite severely disciplined (and even "excommunicated") by
Drake while the Golden Hind was in the East Indies,
and his account has been rather heavily "edited," probably by Drake's
nephew, notably the passage concerning the execution of Thomas
Doughty. Part of Fletcher's original version is still extant in
a late 17th century copy. 1 This
contains information available nowhere else, and interesting though
crude, drawings. 2
The frontispiece portrait is known in two versions; one with
the verses at the bottom in English; one with the verses in Latin.
In the copy here described (as in the Church copy), the Latin verses
are present. 3
The double hemisphere map of the world is also known in two states:
with the reading "Fol. 61" in the upper left corner, and without
it. The state without the numeral is evidently the later
one, as the plate is much worn in those copies. The present copy
has the state with the numeral, which is apparently the proper
state for this volume, though the numeral does not refer to this
volume's text. The map is also found in this state in Botero's Relation ,
1630, though the numeral does not refer to that volume's text either.
The map numeral therefore remains a mysterious factor. 4 With
the book is correspondence with the British Museum and the John
Carter Brown Library on this point.
STC 7161; Church 413; John Carter Brown II, (1), 214; Sabin 20853.
1. British Museum Sloane
ms. 61. This, a transcript made by Joseph Conyers in 1677, contains
only that part of the voyage as far as the island of Mocha, Chile.
Henry R. Wagner, Sir Francis Drake's Voyage around the world ,
pp. 289-290, believes that in the 1620's Fletcher composed a book
on the voyage which he hoped to publish, but was unable to find
a publisher because of his extreme hostility to Drake. His manuscript
was used, however, as the title of the present work indicates,
as the basis for The World Encompassed of 1628, and later
used by Conyers to make the copy of which only the first half survives.
However, Fletcher must have based his own proposed book on a narrative
he had written in time for it to be used by Richard Hakluyt in
compiling his "Famous Voyage" account, but after the return to
England of Thomas Cavendish, whose voyage the Conyers manuscript
2. Fletcher's manuscript,
as far as it survives, has been printed much more satisfactorily
in N. M. Penzer (ed.), The World Encompassed, and analogous
contemporary documents ...(London, 1926), than anywhere else.
His pictures--unique graphic records of the circumnavigation--are,
however, all reproduced in Wagner, op. cit. , who discusses
the correct status and complex relationships of Fletcher's work,
3. A. M. Hind, Engraving
in England , III, p. 53, no. 16b.
4. Hind, III, p. 73.
CAMDEN, WILLIAM. The
Historie of the Life and Reigne of the most Renowned and Victorious
Princesse Elizabeth, Late Queene of England. Composed by Way
of Annals. 4 parts in 1 volume. With an engraved portrait, "Queen
Elizabeth crowned by stars," by F. Delaram after Nicholas Hilliard.
Folio. Contemporary brown calf. With engraved ex libris of William
Brodie of Brodie.
London, Benjamin Fisher, 1630.
See illus. p. 44
The first edition of this translation
by Robert Norton, from Camden's original Latin Annales. An
English version had already appeared previously (1624-1629), but
this was merely translated by Abraham Darcie at second hand from
the French translation of Camden's original Latin of 1615. Camden
had refused to publish his work in English during his lifetime,
fearing carping criticism from the ignorant. This is, therefore,
the earliest authoritative vernacular text. Camden's work is considered
one of the best sources for the events of Elizabeth's reign. The
Introduction covers the period of 1533-1558, from her birth to
her accession, and the following four Books cover her long reign,
from then to 1603.
The events of Drake's life are described in Book 2, pp. 110-115
(the circumnavigation); Book 3, pp. 60-62 (the 1585-1586 raid);
pp. 112-123 (the Cadiz attack); pp. 128-144 (the Armada); Book
4, pp. 6-10 (Drake-Norris expedition) and finally, pp. 74-76 (Drake's
Nicholas Hilliard (1537-1619), who made the portrait of Elizabeth,
was the leading English artist of his day. The engraving is in
the 4th state (appropriate for its appearance here), with the coat
of arms of England.
STC 4500; Huntington Checklist p. 63.
LE VOYAGE CURIEUX
faict autour du Monde, Par François Drach, Admiral d'Angleterre.
4 leaves, 230 pp. With engraved printer's mark on the title.
Small octavo. Contemporary mottled sheep. From the libraries
of the Dukes of Holstein, and T. W. Streeter.
Paris, Antoine Robinot, 1641.
See illus. p. 81
The translation into French by F. de Louvencourt, Sieur de Vauchelles,
of the narrative of Drake's voyage round the world, 1577-1580,
as printed by Hakluyt in a supplement to his Principall Navigations ,
1589. The work has been ascribed to one Francis Pretty, but H.
R. Wagner has convincingly demonstrated that it was in fact compiled,
probably by Hakluyt, from several briefer eyewitness accounts,
one being Francis Fletcher's original narrative. 1 It
is not by Drake, and in fact several of the sources were quite
hostile to him, though almost all of their disparaging comments
were edited out by Hakluyt. There was apparently an embargo on
the publication of exact information about the voyage for many
years, 2 and in
the introduction to the 1589 volume Hakluyt specifically stated
that he was excluding any narrative of it. After the bulk of his
book was printed, however, the present narrative, termed the "Famous
Voyage" from its caption title, was printed on 12 folio pages and
inserted into some of the copies of the 1589 Hakluyt. 3 It
is here present on pp. 1-82. Pp. 83-230 are occupied by a compilation
of geographical information about Africa, the Near and Far East,
and the East Indies. Though it is in the form of a narrative by
Drake, it is "so far as Drake is concerned...pure fiction." 4
The present edition is the third in French. It was first published
in 1613, a second edition in 1627. 5
Sabin 20846; J. C. Brown II, (2), 292 (copy with added portrait
1. Henry R. Wagner, Sir
Francis Drake's Voyage around the world , p. 238; cf. 
in this Collection.
2. E. G. R. Taylor, "Francis
Drake and the Pacific," in: Pacific Historical Review ,
I (1932), p. 360.
3. Cf.  in this Collection.
4. Wagner, pp. 239-240.
5. Brunet, II, 831; Sabin
(CROUCH, NATHANIEL). --"R.[ICHARD] B. [URTON]," pseud. The
English Hero: or, Sir Francis Drake Reviv'd. 2 leaves, 174
pp., 1 leaf. A few headlines and catchwords trimmed. With engraved
frontispiece portrait and 3 woodcuts (one a repeat). 12mo. Half
London, Nathaniel Crouch, 1695.
See illus. p. 61
A biography of Drake in chap-book form. It is called "The fourth
edition" on the title (the first having appeared in 1687), but
Wing does not record any second or third edition, and they presumably
are not extant. The work was very popular, and was reprinted frequently,
until as late as 1762. Like all such chap-book publications, copies
are seldom found; Wing locates only one copy of the 1687 edition,
and three of the present edition (BM, LC, and J. C. Brown).
The work is based upon the Sir Francis Drake Revived of
1653, with additional material; it describes the voyage of 1572-1573;
the circumnavigation of 1577-1580; Drake's service against the
Armada in 1588; the Drake-Norris expedition against Spain and Portugal
in 1589; and the final voyage of 1595-1596.
Wing C 7322; Sabin 9500 (note).
III. MAPS AND VIEWS
SAN JUAN DE ULúA. View
and ground plan of this fortress, by Cristóbal de
Eraso, in ink, with some water coloring. On vellum. Upper corners
damp marked, with very slight marking of the drawing; mounted
on cloth. Folio (515 x 715 mm.). From the collection of George
Legge, Baron Dartmouth (1648-1691).
San Juan de Ulúa (Vera Cruz) Mexico, c. 1570.
See illus. p. 56
The earliest known view and plan of this key fortress in Spanish
America; apparently this and the following item are also the earliest
extant American military architectural drawings. Located near where
Cortes landed in 1519 on his conquest of the Aztec empire, San
Juan de Ulúa was, just before the date of this piece, the
scene of the hard-fought battle between an English flotilla commanded
by John Hawkins, under whom Francis Drake was serving, and the
Spanish fleet under the supervision of Don Martin Enríquez,
Viceroy of Mexico. San Juan-Vera Cruz was the emporium for trade
and communication, and all shipments of treasure between Mexico
and Spain were made exclusively through this port.
In 1570, the fortress consisted of a tower, with embrasures for
artillery and a gun-platform on the top, and a stone wall 300 feet
in length along the shore. Ships were moored to the wall by means
of hawsers passed through the large iron rings shown here and in
later drawings, with one end anchored out in the channel. Shown
on the view are the proposed additions: a 138-foot extension of
the wall and a large tower with two gun platforms. These additions
greatly enhanced the strength of the fortress, and undoubtedly
were planned following the difficulties earned by Hawkins and Drake
on their stop at the port in 1568.
On October 2, 1567, Hawkins sailed from England with his fleet
of two warships and eight smaller vessels, one of which, the Judith ,
was commanded by Drake. Hawkins went to the African coasts, where
he raided and traded for slaves, then set sail for the West Indies,
to sell there the slaves and other merchandise he had brought along.
The unseaworthy state of several of his ships obliged him to put
into San Juan de Ulúa on September 15, 1568, which he reached
just two days before the arrival of the annual convoy from Spain,
with which the new Viceroy Enríquez was traveling. All of
Hawkins' ships, and part of the Spanish fleet, were moored side
by side with their bows to the sea-wall and fort depicted here.
A few days later, the Spaniards broke the truce Hawkins had concluded
with the Viceroy and attacked the English, who were driven from
the bay with the loss of most of the men and ships. Only one of
the warships, commanded by Hawkins himself, and Drake's small vessel
survived the action and reached home again. 1
This plan has been intensively studied by Sr. Juan Manuel Zapatero
of Madrid, who has identified it, and has prepared an article showing
the development of the San Juan de Ulúa fortifications throughout
the 16th century. He has established that this is the plan prepared
by Don Cristóbal de Eraso in 1570, previously known from
references in historical literature, but which had disappeared. 2 Papers
relating to Don Cristóbal's proposed extension of the fortifications
are extant in the Archivo de Indias, Seville. 3 The
present piece, which certainly was drawn before Eraso's proposed
additions were actually built, is the earliest extant view
or plan of San Juan de Ulúa ; the fortifications as
projected here were completed by 1584 or earlier, and the earliest
view hitherto known, by Battista Antonelli, dated January, 1590,
shows them as completed. 4 It
is hardly necessary to stress the very great rarity and very great
importance of any original graphic material relating to America
in the 16th century.
The importance of this fortress throughout American history is
well known. To the end of the colonial era in Mexico it remained
the main east coast port of entry. In the 19th and 20th centuries
it again was the focus of invasion and battle, being attacked by
French forces in 1838 and 1861, and by U.S. forces in 1847 and
1914. In the biography of Drake, the San Juan de Ulúa fight
is most important, as in his later raids on Spain and Spanish America
he always cited this attack by the Spaniards as his justification.
The lengthy historical study of this view-plan by Sr. Zapatero
1. Rayner Unwin, The
Defeat of John Hawkins , (1960) gives an account of the
fighting at San Juan de Ulúa in 1568.
2. J. A. Calderón
Quijano, Historia de las fortificaciones en Nueva España (Seville,
1953), pp. 10-11.
3. Audiencia de Méjico,
4. Diego Angulo Iñíguez, Bautista
Antonelli (Madrid, 1942), pp. 38-41; Calderón Quijano,
pp. 11-12, 249-250.
5. Henry R. Wagner, Sir Francis
Drake's Voyage around the world , pp. 10, 366.
SAN JUAN DE ULúA. Ground
plan of a projected fortress, by Cristóbal de Eraso,
in black ink, with a part in yellow water color. On vellum. Mounted
on cloth. Folio (710 x 645 mm.).
From the collection of George Legge, Baron Dartmouth (1648--1691).
(Mexico, c. 1570)
See illus. p. 57
This view of the celebrated harbor fortress at Vera Cruz, Mexico,
is among the earliest drawings of an American fortification extant,
although it represents a project never carried out in this exact
form. It displays a more developed and larger project than the
one which was actually constructed by 1570, and it probably was
an alternative plan to be used if funds for such a larger structure
should become available.
The portion of the plan (part of a tower, and one wall) in yellow
coloring display the San Juan fortification as it was at the time
of the battle between the Spaniards and John Hawkins in 1568 (Drake
then being a subordinate of Hawkins). As projected in 1570, the
300-feet sea wall and mooring was extended by 138 feet and a tower
was added at the end of this extension.
In the present plan, the 300-foot wall is adapted as a one side
of a rectangular fortress with towers at each corner, with storage
rooms incorporated into the walls, and with four blocks of houses
in the enclosed space.
There are about a dozen inscriptions on the map referring to
its various dimensions and other specifications. One of these refers
to the dock ("muelle") which extended along the waterfront; two
inscriptions refer to "Sr. don Cristobal" (de Eraso) in connection
with various alternative construction details; these dearly clearly
refer to the Royal engineer who is known to have worked at Vera
Cruz, and who was later on several occasions the general commanding
the annual transatlantic treasure fleet.
Sr. Juan Manuel de Zapatero has made an extensive study of this
plan, demonstrating how it fits in with the earlier and later fortification
works at San Juan. A fortress on this general plan (though much
different in detail) was in fact built in 1712, a drawing of which
is in the Archivo General de Indias, Seville (Méjico 563).
A copy of Sr. Zapatero's study is available for consultation.
See Rayner Unwin, The Defeat of John Hawkins , (1960),
which gives an account of the Hawkins-Drake battle and of the situation
and fortifications of San Juan in 1568.
SYPE, NICOLA VAN. La
Herdike (sic, for Heroique) Enterprinse Faict par le Signeur
Draeck D'Avoir Cirquit Toute la Terre. Engraved map, with
two inset views; two inset panels with text; oval portrait of
Drake. 235 x 440 mm. (engraved surface); 402 x 500 mm. (paper).
In a cloth case. The T. W. Streeter copy.
(Antwerp?, c. 1581).
See illus. p. 103
According to Mr. F. P. Sprent, late Superintendent of the Map
Room of the British Museum, "There is good reason for believing
this to be the earliest of the maps which show Drake's route
round the world ...The fact that Drake's route is shown,
but not that of Cavendish (who sailed round the world in 1586-8)
suggests that the latter voyage had not yet been made; maps after
1588 almost invariably show both routes...The portrait, the watermark,
and the absence of any allusion to the voyage of Cavendish supply
evidence which points to a date not later than c. 1585, but there
is reason to think that the actual date is even earlier than this...During
the winter of 1580-1581, immediately after Drake's return from
his voyage, the seaports of Western Europe were no doubt full of
talk of his exploits and discoveries. There seems every reason
to think that in such a town as Antwerp, with its big seafaring
and trading population, the production of such a map as this may
well have been hurried, in order to catch the popular taste while
Drake's voyage was still the topic of the hour." 1
What Mr. Sprent did not notice was that this map, of all the
early maps known concerning the Drake circumnavigation, is the
very closest to the great Whitehall map (no longer extant). According
to Samuel Purchas, who was writing towards the end of the reign
of James I, this was "presented to Queen Elizabeth, [and is] still
hanging in His Majestie's Gallerie at White Hall." 2 The
points of resemblance are as follows:
- An inscription quoted in full by Purchas from the Whitehall
map, beginning "Cum omnes fere hanc partem Australem..." is here
present in French translation: "Combien que l'on pense que la
- Purchas states that "The name Elizabeth [at Elizabeth Island,
south of Tierra del Fuego] is expressed in golden letters, with
a golden Crowne, Garter, and Armes affixed." In the present map,
the crown, garter and arms are at the designated spot; they are
also found placed at Nova Albion (Upper California, explored
by Drake). Both of these places were claimed for England by Drake. 3 An
examination of the early maps of the Drake circumnavigation reproduced
by Wagner 4 shows
that of all of them this is the only one which bears
the crown, garter, and arms, as described by Purchas, in that
There is one other early map of the Drake circumnavigation which
closely resembles the van Sype map. It has a tide in French reading
much the same as the van Sype title, but the text in the panels
and the legends on the map are in a mixture of Dutch and French.
Mr. Sprent considered that the Dutch-text version 5 might
be even a little earlier than the van Sype map, but the contrary
is in fact proven by the fact that the Dutch-text map has neither
the crown, garter and arms, nor the text on Greenland, nor the
so-called "boundary lines." As all of these were features of the
Whitehall map, it is therefore clear that the Dutch-text map is
copied from the van Sype map, with some of the latter's features
omitted. This order is all the clearer when one notes the evidence
of breathless haste in van Sype's map. In brief, the three maps
are related as follows: (1) the manuscript Whitehall map = the
original exemplar; (2) the van Sype map, engraved after the Whitehall
map; (3) the Dutch-text map, engraved after the van Sype map, and
In comparing the present map with several others which are known
or believed also to be copies of the Whitehall map, we find elucidations
of some of the puzzling features of the present map. Foremost among
these other maps is a manuscript one in the Mellon collection. 6 This
has the Magellanica inscription exactly as quoted by Purchas, but without the
crown, arms and garter "affixed" to it. In its place, and also
on California and Virginia, are English flags. By comparison
with the Mellon map, we see that the inscription on Greenland on
the van Sype map is a badly translated French version of the inscription
which must have been on California (its logical position) in the
Whitehall map. We also see that the much debated "boundary lines" of
the van Sype map, extending across America, and supposed to indicate
an English claim to most of North America, are apparently a misunderstood
garbling of the boundary line of New Spain in the Whitehall map,
which had a broad tinted border; this was interpreted by van Sype,
or the person who sketched the Whitehall map for him, as an indication
of a distinct territory or territorial claim. 7
A most illuminating difference between the two maps is the fact
that on the van Sype map there is no name or inscription relating
to Virginia. That name on the Mellon map securely dates it to 1584
or later, since only then was the land so named. 8 This
would surely indicate that, at least at first, the Whitehall map
bore no such name or inscription. "Virginia" was either inserted
later, or the name and inscription were an addition to the Mellon
copy. This argument also tends to establish a pre-1584 date for
the van Sype map. An even later date for the Mellon map is postulated
by the presence on it of the track of the Drake 1585-1586 voyage
to the West Indies.
A unique feature of this map by van Sype is the statement that
it is a "Carte veuee et corige par le dict seigneur Drack" (trans.: "A
map seen and corrected by the said Sir Drake"). This would seem
to be meaningless so far as the engraving itself is concerned,
which certainly bears no indication of having been made in England,
but insofar as van Sype's map appears to be the closest extant
copy of the Whitehall map, the statement is indeed literally
true. Purchas did not state who had "presented
[the map] to Queen Elizabeth," but the logical donor certainly
would have been Drake himself; even if he were not, he surely would
have been consulted about it.
Henry R. Wagner, in his study of the maps of the Drake circumnavigation
remarks that of the 6 or 7 copies known of the van Sype map, all
except one (BM) known to him were folded up and bound into the
1627 or 1641 editions of Drake's voyage, translated into French
from the Hakluyt narrative (termed by Wagner the "Famous Voyage"). 9 This
has led him into the error, as we see it, of concluding that the
van Sype map was necessarily published only in 1627, or even as
late as 1641. Mr. Sprent considered Wagner's dating and categorically
rejected it, even though he was no more aware than Wagner of the
closeness of the map's derivation from the Whitehall wall-map,
as shown by the facts set out above. As Mr. Sprent pointed out,
the ludicrous mistakes in French spelling and grammar rule out
the van Sype map as the work of a Frenchman, or as a French product--quite
the reverse of Wagner's argument. Furthermore, a number of copies
of Le Voyage Curieux exist without the van Sype map;
and the statement on the map (inscription in the cartouche at the
upper left) that Drake returned to Plymouth on September 26, 1580,
directly contradicts the erroneous date of November 3 given in
the text of the book. 10 Wagner
himself noted the work's enlargement with a geographical disquisition
which "so far as Drake is concerned...is pure fiction," but does
not draw the obvious conclusion that the French work was a publisher's
compilation. 11 His
evidence of association hence seems to us to be quite valueless
in determining the origin of the map.
Two other indications of an early date of origin for this map
may here be mentioned. Drake is shown in a small head and neck
portrait set in an oval frame, with his age specifically given
as 42. It is difficult to date the portrait conclusively in absolute
terms, but it must have a relatively early origin, since the majority
of the various engraved portraits of Drake give his age as 43:
a map published after these began to appear would hardly have gone
to this trouble to demonstrate that it was not up to date. A portrait
miniature said to be by Nicholas Hilliard from which van Sype could
have derived his version does exist: this is inscribed as showing
Drake aged 42. 12 Besides
this--the one now owned by the Earl of Derby--there is another
in Vienna, and an oil-painting produced to the request of the Archduke
Ferdinand of the Tyrol, probably at the time of Drake's great celebrity
after his return, and stating his age as 42 years. The other indication
is not conclusive, but as the majority of maps produced after 1585
take the trouble to include "Virginia," its omission here is suggestive.
Two engravers of the name van Sype are recorded: Georg Johann
and Lorenz van Sype, but not Nicola. 13 Thus
the fact that they were working in Germany during the second quarter
of the seventeenth century indicates only that a contemporary family
of that name was established as engravers. The paper on which the
map is printed bears the Nivelle watermark, as does the British
Museum copy: a great deal of paper of Nivelle manufacture was used
at Antwerp during the last two decades of the sixteenth century.
The significance of this watermark was also debated by Wagner--with
the late Edward Heawood, Wagner arguing that the large size of
the device ruled out a sixteenth-century origin for the paper.
However, Heawood's view seems preferable, especially as his posthumous
catalogue shows that, if anything, Nivelle watermarks were smaller
rather than larger in the seventeenth century. 14
In brief, we may conclude that the map of the circumnavigation
by Nicola van Sype is (a) the earliest extant copy of the Whitehall
map probably produced in Drake's lifetime, and was engraved directly
from a sketch of it, and is (b) truthful in claiming that it was
seen and corrected by Drake, insofar as it reproduces the Whitehall
map. We are sure that this is not an insignificant claim. The whole
subject of the maps of the Drake voyage around the world is in
urgent need of a new and exhaustive study: it seems certain that
in such a study the present map will be recognized as one of the
basic documents of the second circumnavigation of the earth.
1. British Museum, Sir
Francis Drake's voyage round the world: two contemporary maps ,
with notes by F. B. Sprent (revised ed., London, 1931).
2. Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus
Posthumus (20 vols., Glasgow, 1905-7), XIII, pp. 3-4. The
map must have perished in the Whitehall fires of 1694 and 1697,
if indeed it lasted as long as that: it has been suggested that
it disappeared from the Palace at the time of the Civil War or
Interregnum (1641-1660): cf. R. A. Skelton, "The royal map collections
of England," in: Imago Mundi , XIII (1956), pp. 181-183.
3. "The Famous Voyage," in
Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), insert between
pp. 643 and 644, sigs. [Mmm 7
v -Mmm 8]. The question of
the claim to land around the Strait seems more complex: John Winter
told Purchas that Drake had claimed islands in the Strait, while
Drake himself told Richard Hawkins he had claimed an island outside
it, at furthest south. Francis Fletcher seems to attribute this
latter act to himself: Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus ,
(1905-7), XVI, p. 136; Sir Richard Hawkins, Observations ...(1622),
in: Sir Clements Markham (ed.), The Hawkins Voyages ,
p. 224; N. M. Penzer (ed.), The World Encompassed, and analogous
contemporary documents ..., pp. 131-132. Cf. Henry R. Wagner, "Creation
of rights of sovereignty through symbolic acts," in: Pacific
Historical Review , VII (1938).
4. Henry R. Wagner, Sir
Francis Drake's Voyage around the world , pp. 405-437.
5. Reproduced in two versions: ibid. ,
6. Information kindly supplied
by Mr. Paul Mellon.
7. Cf. Zelia Nuttall (ed.), New
Light on Drake (Hakluyt Society, London, 1914), pp. lv-lvi.
Mrs. Nuttall, who did not know of the Mellon map, considers that
the boundary lines were placed on the van Sype map by Drake to
indicate that he foresaw extensive English colonization in North
America and to lay down the direction it should take; this is
to bolster her theory that Drake intended from the beginning
to establish a permanent colony in California and found the United
States. In a note accompanying this copy, Mr. Lawrence Wroth
of the John Carter Brown Library expresses the opinion that it
is a "trial proof," showing features like the lines across America
appropriate to this state: he points out certain small letter-like
marks, in the lower margin of the example Wagner reproduced,
in support of this.
8. D. B. Quinn (ed.), The
Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 (2 vols., Hakluyt Society, London,
1955), I, pp. 120, 147.
9. Wagner, op. cit. ,
pp. 430-431, 434.
10. In the 1641 edition [see
No. 44] the wrong date appears at pp. 81-82. Cf. Wagner, op.
cit. , pp. 192-193.
11. Wagner, op. cit. ,
12. A. M. Hind, Engraving
in England , I, p. 159.
13. Thieme-Becker, XXXII,
14. Edward Heawood, "The
use of watermarks in dating old maps and documents," in: Geographical
Journal , LXIII (1924), pp. 391-412; Wagner, op. cit. ,
ST. AUGUSTINE, FLORIDA.--BOAZIO, BAPTISTA, AND JOHN WHITE. Opidum
[sic] S. Augustini. Engraved view-plan, depicting Sir Francis
Drake's attack upon the city, May 28-29, 1586; with engraving,
lower left, of the Dorado fish after the design of John White.
With hand coloring. Folio (418 x 545 mm.). In a cloth case.
See illus. p. 123
One of the most important geographical engravings in American
history. It is, first, the earliest engraving of any city or territory
now part of the United States; and it includes one of the famous
natural history subjects drawn by John White, Governor of the first
Anglo-American settlement in America, in the Hatteras region then
called Virginia (now in North Carolina). The Drake raid to the
West Indies of 1585-1586 picked up the Virginia settlers and returned
them to Europe. It was undoubtedly in the course of this return
voyage that the author of this view-plan was able to copy the figure
of the Dorado fish from White's original drawing. This original
is still extant, in the British Museum. 1
The engraving shows the Drake fleet at anchor off Matanzas River;
a body of troops landing on Anastasia Island and bombarding Fort
San Juan de Pinos (later Ft. San Marcos) across the river; another
body of troops landing at the residential part of the settlement
south of the Fort. The text printed in a cartouche to the left
informs us that the homes were built of wood, and were situated
among pleasant gardens (which are shown); that the garrison was
of 150 men, with as many more at Fort St. Helen (Jacksonville)
36 miles to the north; and that these garrisons were placed there,
not because the Spaniards wanted the territory, but so that they,
like dogs in a manger, could keep out the English and French. Needless
to say, this is a document of the first importance in American
history, though it was in itself an incident of little importance
in Drake's career.
The engraving is one of a series of four, the other three being
of Santiago (Canary Islands), Santo Domingo, and Cartagena. They
are extant both in this larger size, which undoubtedly was produced
in England, and also in a smaller (and somewhat better engraved)
folio version--no priority is known. 2 Baptista
Boazio is stated to be the author of the view-plans in one issue
of the Bigges narrative of Drake's raid; he was active in England
c. 1586-1603. 3 The
engraver is not known.
The engraving is within a narrow decorative border; a good margin
is preserved at the bottom, but on the right, left and top this
border is shaved in some places. There is also a very small piece
chipped off at the upper left.
Church, Catalogue of Americana , nos. 134A, 136, 138;
see also David W. Waters' edition of Thomas Greepe, True and
Perfecte Newes of ... Syr Frauncis Drake (H. C.
Taylor, Americanum Nauticum no. 3), pp. 53-72. There is no satisfactory
account so far of the Bigges narrative of the Drake raid and its
1. Paul Hulton and D. B.
Quinn, The American drawings of John White (2 vols.,
London, 1964), no. 26, and reproduction, II, p. 33.
2. Cf.  in this Collection.
3. Edward Lynam, "English
maps and map-makers of the sixteenth century," in: Geographical
Journal , CXVI (1950), pp. 25-28.
(LA CORUñA--EL FERROL, SPAIN). [ 50a. ]
[ 50b. ]
Manuscript double chart, in pen and water colors, on vellum, depicting
(right) the harbors of La Coruña and El Ferrol, and (left)
the harbor of Santander. Oblong folio (516 x 716 mm.) Cloth backed.
From the collection of George Legge, Baron Dartmouth.
(England, c. 1589).
--, Manuscript double chart, in ink outline, on a paper bifolium,
depicting (leaf 1 recto) La Coruña and El Ferrol, and (left
verso--2 recto), Santander, 412 x 262 mm., and 412 x 524 mm. Cloth
backed on verso of leaf 2. From the collection of George Legge,
(England, c. 1589).
See illus. pp. 165-167
These two double charts are closely related, as the legends on
them are so similar in wording that the derivation of one from
the other is indicated (probably the paper from the vellum--less
likely the reverse) or derivation from a common source. For instance,
the inscriptions on the scale of the La Coruña-El Ferrol
charts read as follows: (vellum) "This Scale Containeth. 4. Leagus
in Length Every Broad space Being an English Myle Itt Hyes in the
Groine [La Coruña] in Spring Tydes. 12 Foot water"; (paper) "Not[e
that this scale for the grooine [La Coruña.] is 4 Leges
in lengthe as there is betwene evere rundle, an mile & betwene
evere pricke, a quarter of a mile, it hyes at the grooine in spring
tide. 12. foote water."
The date, localities depicted, and provenance of these charts
make it very probable that they were prepared for use in the Drake-Norris
expedition of 1589. It is well known that the 44 surviving warships
of the 1587 Invincible Armada which reached Spain (of the 68 which
had entered the Channel) almost all entered ports on the north
coast of Spain. The Duke of Medina Sidonia himself reached Santander
in the flagship San Martín de Portugal on September
23. 1 One of the
objects of the Drake-Norris expedition was, according to their
official orders, to "carefully enquire in your way towards the
coast of Spain what ships there are of importance in any of the
ports either of Guipúscoa or Biscay or Galicia; which our
pleasure is you shall do your best endeavour either to take or
destroy." 2 As Santander
was the chief port of the province of Guipúscoa, and La
Coruña-El Ferrol was the chief port of the province of Galicia,
the maps very evidently depict places which were intended to be
attacked. Drake and Norris did not attack Santander--which port
held far more of the Armada's ships--though they were successful
at La Corufia--and for this omission they were roundly berated
by Queen Elizabeth. 3 The
paper map bears the name (evidently the signature) of one James
Bere, at the end of a note concerning the tides of Santander; Bere
evidently was the cartographer.
The provenance of these pieces from the Baron Dartmouth papers
is also significant. Dartmouth was Master of the Ordnance to King
James II, and, as such, in charge of the British military map files.
His map collection consisted largely of materials removed from
the ordnance files. 4
1. Cesáreo Fernádez
Duro, La Armada Invencible , II, pp. 296-300.
2. Quoted in E. M. Tenison, Elizabethan
England (13 vols., Leamington Spa, 1933-1961), VIII, p.
3. Tenison, VIII, pp, 117-120.
4. R. A. Skelton, "The royal
map collections of England," in: Imago Mundi , XIII (1956),
ADDENDUM to p. 215: Catalogue .
The James Bere whose signature attests the authorship of the
manuscript map on paper in the pair of charts of La Coruña-El
Ferrol and Santander can be identified as an eminent draughtsman
and mariner in accounts printed by Hakluyt. A James Beare (with
surname spelt thus) is mentioned as taking part in the voyages
of Sir Martin Frobisher (1535?- 1594) of 1577 and 1578 to the northern
parts of America for the discovery of a way to Cathay (China).
In 1577 Beare sailed as Master of the Michael , Frobisher's
smallest ship, in his search for the North West Passage, and in
Frobisher's next expedition, a year later, he held the same command
in the larger ship Anne Francis. It was said of him
in 1578 that he "was known to be a sufficient and skilful Mariner,
and having bene there the yere before, had wel observed the place,
and drawen out Cardes of the coast." 5 This
mention of "James Beare" as Frobisher's cartographer makes it highly
likely that he was also the "James Bere" who signed the La Coruña-El
Ferrol and Santander chart: among other connections, he had that
of Frobisher's service trader Drake in the West Indies in 1585-1586
and against the Armada in 1588.
James Beare is mentioned also as the Master of the ship Judith which
is listed in a document of about 1584 as piratically captured by
the celebrated Romadan Pasha, Beylerbey of Algiers, in contravention
of the firman that Sultan Murad III granted to English
merchants of the Levant Company in 1580. 6 The Judith's crew
and men of several other English ships were almost certainly released
through the energetic intervention of William Harborne, ambassador
to the Sublime Porte, but opinions seem to differ on how quickly
this was accomplished, and it is not known exactly when Beare returned
to England. 7 The Judith which
Beare commanded was very probably the ship of the same name which
had sailed under the command of Edward Fenton as "Lieutenant generall" in
Frobisher's 1578 expedition, but it is unlikely that she was the
ship in which Drake had escaped from the disastrous affray at San
Juan de Ulúa while with John Hawkins in "the unfortunate
voyage" of 1567-1569. 8 The Judith present
at San Juan de Ulúa was, like all the other English ships
there save the Queen's Jesus of Lubeck , owned by the
Hawkins family, which still possessed her at Plymouth in 1570. 9 The Judith captured
by the Algerians is described as "of London" and, if she is the
same as the one commanded by Fenton in 1578, was then bought by
Frobisher's syndicate from William Borough, a shareholder in the
expedition and later Drake's Vice-Admiral at Cadiz in 1587--but
was evidently largely unpaid for. Borough's letter on this occasion
strengthens the identification with Beare's ship, for he values
the Judith he sold to Frobisher at £320, while
3100 florins (£310) is given as the valuation of the Judith captured
from Beare. 10
Little is known of Beare's experience in cartography save what
George Best recorded in his contemporary True Discourse of
Frobisher's 1578 voyage. It should, nonetheless, be noted that
the two maps that Best printed in it from woodcuts came from originals
which have been ascribed to Beare. 11 In
1578 Best was Beare's direct superior as Captain of the Anne Francis:
in his account of the voyage he gives a vivid report of how on
11 August he himself, "taking the Master of his Shippe with him,
went up to the toppe of Hattons Hedland, which is the highest land
of all the streights, to the ende to descry the situation of the
Country underneath, and to take a true plotte of the place; whereby
also to see what store of Yce was yet left in the streights...." 12 Of
his later life little can be said other than that he was probably
the James Beare who, when he died possessed of a substantial estate
in 1608, was described as "citizen and inholder of London," of
the parish of All Hallows, Lombard Street. 13 As
far as can be established at the moment, the present chart of La
Coruña-El Ferrol and Santander is the only manuscript by
Bere still in existence.
5. Hakluyt, Principal
Navigations (1598-1600) , III, pp. 61, 80; (1903-1905),
VII, pp. 285, 334.
6. Id. (1598-1600),
II, ii, p. 180; (1903-1905), V, p. 281. Cf. Maximilian Epstein, The
Early History of the Levant Company (London, 1908), pp. 15-23.
7. E. P. Cheyney, A History
of England from the defeat of the Armada to the death of Queen
Elizabeth , I, p. 383; H. G. Rawlinson, "The Embassy of
William Harborne to Constantinople," in: Transactions of
the Royal Historical Society , Fourth Series, V, pp. 1-27.
8. Hakluyt, loc. cit. ;
cf. p. 51, above.
9. James A. Williamson, Sir
John Hawkins: the time and the man , pp. 132, 288-289.
10. Hakluyt, loc. cit. ;
Borough to Sir Francis Walsingham, January 14, 1578/9 (State Papers,
Domestic, Elizabeth, Vol. CXXIX, no. II), printed in: Rear-Admiral
Richard Collinson (ed.), The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher ... A.D.
1576-8 ...(Hakluyt Society First Series no. 38, London, 1867),
11. By J. G. Kohl, A
Descriptive Catalogue of those Maps, Charts and Surveys relating
to America ... mentioned ... in Vol. III of
Hakluyt ...(Washington, D.C., 1857), pp. 17-20; reproduced
in: Hakluyt (1903-1905), Vol. VII, opposite pp. 256, 336, and
in: R. A. Skelton, Explorers' Maps , as Figures 63 and
75. Cf. id. , pp. 115, 119, 133.
12. Hakluyt (1598-1600),
III, p. 89; (1903-1905). VII, p. 357. One of the expedition's rendezvous
in what is now the Hudson Strait was named Beare's Sound after
the cartographer: cf. G. B. Manhart, "The English Search
for a North West Passage in the time of Queen Elizabeth," pp. 50,
70, in: Studies in English Commerce and Exploration in the
reign of Elizabeth (Philadelphia, 1924).
13. Index of Wills proved
in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury ... V, 1605-19 (British
Record Society, The Index Library, Vol. XLIII, London, 1912),
ADAMS, ROBERT. Expeditionis
Hispanorum in Angliam vera descriptio Anno Do: MDLXXXVIII.
Series of 8 engraved plates (of 12), engraved by Augustine Ryther
after the designs of Robert Adams. With contemporary, probably
original, coloring. Each engraving c. 375 x 500 mm. Matted. In
a cloth case.
(London, Augustine Ryther, c. 1590).
See illus. pp. 146, 148
Original edition of the great series of engravings depicting
the defeat of the Spanish Armada. They are an important primary
source for the history of this campaign. Michael Lewis says of
them, "The best contemporary evidence [of the Armada's sailing
order] comes from the set of charts drawn by the artist Adams and
engraved in 1590. These doubtless transcribe faithfully enough
the information which [Lord] Howard [of Effingham] and others gave
the draughtsman. They show the Armada in the form of a quarter
moon, its convex curve pointing up-Channel, its horns trailing
west." 1 Garrett
Mattingly remarks that "his [Adams'] eleven charts are unusually
accurate for the period during which the English and Spanish fleets
were in contact." 2 A.
M. Hind calls them the "greatest achievement" of Ryther as an engraver. 3
SUBJECTS OF THE ENGRAVINGS
Title, with legend as above, within a very ornate decorative
border, arms of England above, arms of the Grocer's Company of
- The Spanish fleet off Lizard Point. July 19-20, 1588. This
copy is of the second state with added lettering (see Hind).
A few ink spots, all except one in the dotted sea background.
- The battle off plymouth, showing two stages of the action.
- The battle off Start Point, showing the capture by Drake of Nuestra
Señora del Rosario , flagship of the Andalusian
division. July 22.
- The battle off Portland Bill, showing the capture by Thomas
Howard and John Hawkins of the San Salvador , vice-flagship
of the Guipúscoan division. July 13.
- The battle off Beachy Head; the Spanish fleet at anchor off
Calais. July 27.
- The fire-ship attack on the Armada at the Calais anchorage.
Night of July 28-29.
- The final battle with the Armada, off Gravelines, showing the
English attack on the San Lorenzo , flagship of the
galleass division, and the sinking galleons San Felipe, San
Mateo, Maria Juan , and one other. July 29.
The engravings not present depict phases of the battles in the
Channel (2, 6, 7) and a general map of the course of the Armada
CONDITION OF THE ENGRAVINGS
Apart from the ink spots on no. 1, noted above, the engravings
are in fine condition throughout, with margins extending beyond
all printed surfaces. The coloring is contemporary and in pristine
condition. That the engravings were issued with coloring may be
inferred from the fact that both the BM copies are also colored
The watermark on all the present impressions is reproduced in
Heawood, Watermarks , who notes its occurrence on an
undated map by Jan van Deutecum (fl. 1586-d. 1601). 4 English
printers bought much Dutch paper in this period. Hind notes crossed
arrows, grapes, and arms of Strassburg watermarks on sets of these
engravings he has examined, so it is evident that a variety of
paper was used. 5
RECORDED SETS OF THE ARMADA ENGRAVINGS
Only a few sets of the engravings are extant. 6 Those
- British Museum, set 1. Complete. Colored.
- BM, set 2. Complete. Title uncolored, engravings colored.
- Royal Geographical Society, set 1. Incomplete (8 of 12 present).
Uncolored, a poor set.
- RGS, set 2. Incomplete (8 of 12 present). Uncolored.
- Pepys Library, Magdalen College, Cambridge. Complete. Uncolored.
- National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. Complete. Uncolored.
- Mellon Collection.
The engravings were intended to accompany Petruccio Ubaldini's Discourse
concerninge the Spanish fleete , 1590, 7 but
the Short Title Catalogue notes that the engravings were issued
separately (STC 24481a--no copy located in STC Bishop-Ramage).
1. Michael Lewis, The
Spanish Armada (London, 1960), p. 105, and cf. p. 128.
2. Garrett Mattingly, The
Armada (Boston, 1959), p. xiv.
3. A.M. Hind, Engraving
in England , I, p. 138.
4. Edward Heawood, Watermarks,
mainly of the 17th and 18th centuries (Hilversum, 1950),
5. Hind, I, pp. 145-146.
6. Hind, op. et loc.
cit. , and plates 79-85.
7. An extract in Hind, I,
pp. 147-149; cf. also Ubaldino's narrative in G. P. B. Naish (ed.), "Documents
illustrating the history of the Spanish Armada" in: The Naval
Miscellany , IV (London, 1952).
HULSIUS, LEVINUS. Nova
et exacta delineatio Americae partis Australiae.--In Chica regione.
Engraved double folio map, printed on two sheets (263 x 326 mm.;
216 x 323 mm.); uncut. From: Kurtze warhafftige Beschreibung
der newen Reyse , Part IV, second edition. In folder. Nuremberg,
L. Hulsius, 1602.
See illus. p. 96
The folding map of South America and the West Indies, printed
on two separate sheets, with uncut margins.
The map was engraved for the second edition of the fourth part
of Hulsius' collection of voyages, which consists altogether of
26 parts. The "Vierte Schiffart" is an account of Ulrich Schmidel's
voyage to Brazil and the Rio de la Plata, from 1534 to 1554.
In this second edition of the map, three islands have been inserted
below the bottom border of the lower map, with the name "Francisci
Draco Ins." These islands, now the Queen Elizabeth Islands, had
appeared on maps since Hakluyt published a. new map of America
in his Latin edition of Peter Martyr in 1587. 1 During
his passage of the Strait of Magellan, Drake had made the discovery
that the Tierra del Fuego (Terra del Fogo) was an island. 2 Further,
several new names were added to this edition of the map, along
the west coast of South America, as well as the plate mark "No.
2" in the lower left comer of the lower map.
Copies of this map in original size with full margins are virtually
unknown. As used in the book, edges are always trimmed up to the
Cf. Church 272; Lenox Lib. Cat. Hulsius , p. 8.
1. Henry R. Wagner, Sir
Francis Drake's Voyage around the world , pp. 406-408.
2. Mendoza's letter to Philip
II, April 20, 1582, in: Calendar of State Papers, Spanish ,
III, p. 315; cf. Sir Julian Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy ,
I, pp. 268-274.
53. PINE, JOHN, ENGRAVER.
The Tapestry Hangings
of the House of Lords Representing the several Engagements between
the English and Spanish Fleets in the
ever memorable Year MDLXXXVIII. 3 leaves, 23, (I) pp. With 18 double
folio engravings by Pine. Folio. Contemporary calf, rebacked.
See illus. pp. 147, 149
During or immediately after the Armada campaign, Robert Adams,
Surveyor of Works to Queen Elizabeth, prepared a series of drawings
displaying the principal incidents of the sea battles between the
Spanish and English, with a general map. These were engraved and
published by Augustine Ryther [see No. 51]. Shortly thereafter,
the English commander-in-chief, Lord Howard of Effingham, ordered
a set of tapestries after the Adams drawings (or the engravings
from them); these were made by Henrik C. Vroom and Francis Spiring
of Haarlem. In 1616, Howard sold the tapestries to King James I,
who hung them in the House of Lords, where they remained until
their destruction by fire in 1834. The present series of engravings
is therefore the sole record of the appearance of the tapestries,
which are, of course, an important original iconographic source
for the history of the Armada, as we may assume that Howard would
have taken care to have them accurately done.
The series consists of 10 double folio engravings depicting the
tapestries; 5 double folio engravings bearing copies of the Adams-Ryther
engravings, two subjects to the plate; one double folio plate displaying
a copy of the Adams-Ryther general map; two double folio engraved
maps of English coastal defenses.
The engravings in blue-black tint are framed by elaborate borders
in black ink containing medals, portraits, etc.
Lowndes IV 1869; see also Hind, Engraving in England ,
I, pp. 24-25, 142-149.
54. DONN, BENJAMIN.
A Map of the County
of Devon with the City and County of Exeter, Delineated from
an Actual Survey...the Scale an Inch to a Mile.
6 leaves of text (on paper). With 12 double folio maps and a key
map, all printed on vellum, engraved by Thomas Jefferys. Folio.
Contemporary marbled boards, new leather back and comers.
See illus. p. 41.
First edition. Donn's huge map of Devonshire,
which would measure 1.88 x 1.71 meters if fitted together as a
wall-map, entirely superseded all the previous maps of the county,
so superior was it in accuracy and detail. Its publication was
a great success by the standards applied to works of this sort;
the subscription list was very lengthy, and individual subscribers
took as many as 100 copies. At least one later edition was published.
We can find no trace of other vellum copies; the British Museum
and Bibliothèque Nationale copies are on paper, and vellum
copies are not mentioned in the subscribers' list. The maps are
brilliant clean impressions.
Devon was Drake's native county; his residence at Buckland Monachorum
(Buckland Abbey) is located on sheet 9 of this map, and one of
the subscribers was his collateral descendant Sir Francis Drake
of Nutwell Court. 1
Donn (1729-1798) was a Devonshire mathematician and cartographer
who was appointed Royal "master of mechanics" towards the end of
his fe. His map of Devon received an award of £100 from the
Royal Society of Arts. 2
Thomas Jefferys (fl. 1732-1771) was a leading engraver who went
on to survey eight other counties of England. 3
BM, Catalogue of Printed Maps (1885), I, 1043.
1. Cf. Lady Eliott-Drake, The
family and heirs of Sir Francis Drake , II, pp. 158-164.
2. E. G. R. Taylor, The
mathematical practitioners of Hanoverian England (Cambridge,
p. 1966), p. 225.
3. R. A. Skelton, Decorative
printed maps of the 15th to the 18th centuries , pp. 72-74.
IV. MEDALS AND PORTRAITS
Draeck Nobilissimus Eques Angliae An° Aet Sue 43. Engraved
portrait, three-quarter length. 387 x 305 mm. Inlaid in Whatman
paper. Matted. (London, Jodocus Hondius?, c.1583; second state).
The finest contemporary portrait of Drake. It is unsigned, but
was attributed to Hondius by George Vertue in the 18th century,
and Hind follows this attribution, though suggesting that it may
possibly be the work of Remigius Hogenberg. It is certainly different
in style and posture from other engravings of Drake signed by Hondius.
It apparently was never circulated in Drake's time, as only two
contemporary impressions are known (British Museum, Scheepvaart
Museum, Amsterdam), both of them in unfinished state. Vertue obtained
the original copper plate from Drake's descendants, and completed
it, largely by adding shading in the background. The present impression
is of the second state.
Drake is depicted standing, his right hand on a helmet, his left
holding a baton. Through a window above to the left a landscape
is visible; before the window hangs a terrestrial globe or two-hemisphere
disc map hanging by an ornamented finial.
The present impression is a fine and brilliant one.
Hind, Engraving in England , I, p. 159, no. 3, and
ARMADA MEDAL. Medal
of Silver, commemorating the defeat of the Invincible Armada.
51 mm. diameter. In a cloth case.
See illus. p. 157
This is perhaps the best known of the many medals (thirteen in
all are recorded by Fernández Duro) issued in England and
Holland to propagandize the stunning defeat of the Spanish Armada.
The obverse displays a rocky islet--a church building on it (symbolizing
the Church of England) remains unmoved by the stormy seas which
beat against the rocks. The legend, in a surrounding border, "Allidor
Non Laedor" may be paraphrased as: "The waves break against me,
but I am not broken." On the reverse is a naval battle scene, with
the legend in surrounding border: "1588. Flavit Jehovah et Dissipati
Sunt" ("Jehovah" in Hebrew script) = "God blew, and they were scattered."
This medal, with its frequently quoted legend "Flavit Jehovah...," greatly
promoted the idea that the Armada was defeated by adverse weather;
actually, this was only a small part of the cause, as the Spanish
fleet was in full retreat back home when many of its ships were
wrecked by tempests.
Cesáreo Fernández Duro, La Armada Invencible ,
I, 218, no. 9; Michael Lewis, The Spanish Armada , p.
186, and fig. 31-32.
ARMADA MEDALS. Three
medals, two on silver, one on copper, commemorating the defeat
of the Spanish Armada. 50, 30, and 30 mm. diameter (the second
and third are from the same die). In a cloth drop case with tie.
See illus, p. 157.
These medals vividly display the rejoicing which spread all over
Protestant Europe when Philip II's threatened conquest of England
came to grief. They are a 16th century propaganda medium, for the
smaller ones, especially the one on copper, circulated widely among
the people and spread the news even among the illiterate.
The 50 mm. medal shows a lively scene of a Spanish galleon breaking
up on a rock, with a galley and several other galleons in the background.
Above this is the legend "Veni Vide Vive. 1588," and in the border
around "Tu Magnus Deus et Magna Facis. Tu Solus Deus." The reverse
shows the Pope, the Emperor, Philip II and various prelates and
noblemen, all seated blindfolded, with their feet resting on a
bed of spikes, a legend above "O Coecas Hominum Mentes O Pectora
Coeca," and one in the border around "Durum Est Contra Stimulos
Calcitrare." This is of course a sneer at the disappointment of
Philip's and the Pope's hopes for the conquest of England.
The 30 mm. medals (on silver and copper) show on the obverse
a Spanish galleon striking a rock and breaking, with legend in
the surrounding border "Hispani Fugiunt Et Periunt Nemine Sequente";
on the reverse, a man, woman, boy and girl, on their knees praying.
Below them is the date 1588, and the legend in the border "Homo
Proponit Deus Disponit."
Fernández Duro, La Armada Invencible , I, pp.
217-218; (50 mm. medal) Van Loon, I, 384.1.
MERCATOR, MICHAEL. World
Map, in two hemispheres, engraved or struck on silver, and bearing
the track of Drake's 1577-1580 circumnavigation of the earth.
68 mm. diameter, with a small tang projecting 2 mm. at the North
Pole, pierced with a minute hole. Weight, 383 grains Troy. In
a red leather case.
London, Michael Mercator, 1589.
See illus. p. 104
A splendid example of the Drake Silver Map or Silver Medal, a
piece commemorating Sir Francis Drake's circumnavigation of the
earth, and in itself a treasure of the art and science of cartography.
This specimen bears the following inscription ( extant only
on this copy ), in a cartouche in the oceanic regions below
Africa: "Micha:[el] Merca:[tor] fecit[.] extat Londi[ni] prope
templu Gallo:[rum] An[n]o 1589.*"; (trans.) "Michael Mercator
made (this). It is available at London near the church of the Frenchmen,
1589." As we know from John Stow, 1 the
French church was in the old building known formerly as the Hospital
of St. Anthony of Vienna, built in 1231 a synagogue, soon after
expropriated, and again expropriated in Henry VIII's reign.
This inscription is of appreciable importance. In the first place,
it strikingly confirms the contemporary account of this Silver
Map as given by Purchas. The latter claimed that Drake had discovered
the passage around Cape Horn from the Atlantic to the Pacific,
as was proven by the manuscript wall-map in Whitehall which had
been presented to Queen Elizabeth, presumably by Drake himself. 2 Purchas
then continues: "And my learned friend Master Brigges told me,
that he hath seene this plot of Drakes Voyage cut in silver by
a Dutchman (Michael Mercator, Nephew to Gerardus) many yeeres before
Scouten or Maire intended that voyage" (i.e., around Cape Horn). 3 Henry
R. Wagner, a noted authority on the Drake voyage, had expressed
his disbelief in Mercator's authorship of the Silver Map, as he
thought Michael had been born after 1572 and therefore too late
to have created it. 4 In
fact, he was born between 1565 and 1570, the son of Arnold, the
son of Gerard Mercator.
Arnold was married at least by 1563. 5 Little
is known of Michael's career--he engraved a world map which appeared
in the 1595 edition of Mercator's Atlas, though the plate may have
been prepared years earlier; another map of his is also known dated
1606. 6 Researches
inspired by the wording of this present inscription have established
that Michael Mercator was in London shortly before 1590, when collectors
of the poll tax assessed him as "servaunte to Baptista...[owing]
per poll...iiijd." 7 The
form of this entry in the London subsidy rolls shows that Mercator
must have been reported to them on an occasion immediately previous
to their 1590 assessment, so that he was known by the authorities
to have been living in the parish of St. Benet Fink--exactly where
the inscription on the present piece places him in 1589. The original
note by the subsidy collectors shows, perhaps surprisingly, that
whoever Mercator's master was, he was not Baptista Boazio, 8 who
had just designed the engraved maps of Drake's West Indian voyage
of 1585-6. Thus this Exchequer roll enlarges the number of people
known to have had some part in recording Drake's voyages. Michael
Mercator's residence in London had hitherto been entirely unsuspected,
it being assumed that the medallion had been prepared in the Netherlands,
if it was by him, or that it had been made by Jodocus Hondius,
if made in London.
The map is of considerable cartographic importance. It depicts
not only the newly established colony of "Virginea," but also the
Drake discoveries in Upper California. It is the second published
map to include these features; apparently only the map inserted
in the Hakluyt edition of Peter Martyr's Decades (1587)
preceded it. 9
KNOWN SPECIMENS OF THE SILVER MAP
There is considerable variation in the weight of the known examples
of the Silver Map, the lightest weighing 260 grains, the heaviest
424 grains. The present example is intermediate; it weighs 382
grains. There is much doubt as to the method by which the medallions
were made. Miller Christy, author of the earliest detailed study,
refers to it as "cast or struck" and to the "die or mould" used
in its preparation. Lord Milford Haven remarks that "it was at
one time believed that these pieces had been struck with a die
in imitation of engraving, but a recent careful comparison showed
that each had been engraved by hand." A. M. Hind the latest authority,
is equivocal, remarking that this and similar pieces "were multiplied
either by striking afresh with a die taken from the original engraved
counter, or by repeated engraving with the aid of paper or vellum
prints from the original impressed on the new surface as a guide
to the engraver." 10
The copies now known are:
- H. P. Kraus, no. I. The example here described. 383 grains;
with tang. Unique example, inscribed with the cartographer's
name and the date 1589. Probably the prototype.
- H. P. Kraus, no. 2.410 grains; with tang. [See No. 58a.]
- British Museum, no. 1 (18188.8.131.52). 300 grains; with tang.
Probably the first example to be properly described (by Sir Wollaston
- British Museum, no. 2 (18184.108.40.206). 260 grains; with tang.
Also located by Sir Wollaston Franks: "somewhat battered and
slightly broken," according to Miller Christy (p. 3).
- (Sir John Evans?)--Lord Dillon--J. G. Murdoch. 424 grains;
with tang. Possibly the one described by Evans in 1906.
- National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, no. 1 (A.4, 1934-49).
326 grains. Purchased 1934: provenance unknown.
- National Maritime Museum, no. 2 (A.4, 42-136). 275 grains.
Presented in 1942, through the agency of Earl Mountbatten; earlier
- A specimen reported by Lord Milford Haven (1919) and Henry
K. Wagner (1937) as being in the possession of Drake's descendants.
284 grains. Probably the one noticed by Lady Eliott-Drake as
at Nutwell Court in 1911 ( The family and heirs of Sir Francis
Drake , I, pp 73-74).
- Henry C. Taylor collection, New York. 312 grains; no tang.
CONDITION OF THIS PIECE
Direct comparisons have been made between the present example,
no. 1, and nos. 2 and 9 above, in which these specimens have been
placed side by side. The present example is by far the best of
the three; it must also, obviously, be in better condition than
the "somewhat battered" copy noted above as no. 4. There is no
previous description of this piece, nor any record of it changing
hands, so that it is to be presumed that it was in the possession
of its previous owners, the Earls of Caledon, from the time when
the family rose to wealth and power in the last quarter of the
eighteenth century until its public sale in 1967. Its condition
is, in fact, unsurpassable: the engraving is sharp and brilliant,
the disc of silver is smooth and level, and there is no trace of
any rubbing or wear.
Drake's voyage round the world was the greatest feat of Elizabethan
seamanship and marked an unmistakable step forward in English overseas
expansion. 11 It
resulted in the exploration and investigation not only of the Strait
of Magellan and of the East Indies but in considerable discovery
of the west coast of North America (notably in the present state
of California, now part of the United States) This map provides
one of the earliest records of the names both of California and
of Virginia. For reasons analogous to those explaining the nature
of the map by Nicola van Sypea 12 it
is also an immediate derivative of the great wall-map of the world,
presented to Queen Elizabeth probably by Drake, hung in the Palace
of Whitehall, but since lost. The Silver Map combines in one piece
a fine example of the cartography of the great Age of Discovery
and a jewel of the Renaissance silversmith's art. The specimen
here described is the only one to bear the date of its issue and
the name of its maker. Of all known examples it must be accounted
by far the most important and most valuable.
1. John Stow, A Survay
of London (London, 1598), p. 146.
2. Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus
Posthumus (20 vols., Glasgow, 1905-7), XIII, p. 3.
3. Ibid. , XIII,
p. 4. "Master Brigges" was Henry Briggs, the famous cartographer,
who improved and publicized Gerard Mercator's map projection.
4. Henry R. Wagner, Sir
Francis Drake's Voyage around the world , pp. 97-98, 408-412.
5. H. Averdunk and J. Müller-Reinhard, Gerhard
Mercator und die Geographen unter seinen Nachkommen (Gotha,
1914), pp. 161-162.
6. For the world map by Michael
Mercator, see the reproduction in Les Frontières entre
le Brésil et la Guyane française (Paris, 1899), Atlas,
7. R. E. Kirk (ed.), Returns
of aliens in...London from the reign of Henry VIII to that of
James I , Part II (Huguenot Society of London, no. 10, Aberdeen,
1902), p. 424.
8. Public Record Office,
London: E 179 146/300. Owing to damage to the vellum, the name
after "Baptista" is now only sufficiently legible to rule out the
possibility that it is "Boazio."
9. Wagner, op. cit. ,
10. Miller Christy, The
Silver Map of the World (London, 1900), pp. 44-45; the
Marquess of Milford Haven (Prince Louis of Battenberg), British
Naval Medals (London, 1919), p. 1; A. M. Hind, Engraving
in England , II, pp. 276-277.
11. One of the few points
upon which two scholars viewing Drake against his background agree:
Sir Julian Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy (2 vols.,
London, 1898); Kenneth R. Andrews, Drake's voyages: their contribution
to English maritime expansion in the reign of Elizabeth (London,
12. Cf. No. 48.
MERCATOR, MICHAEL. World
Map on silver, bearing the track of Drake's 1577-1580 circumnavigation
of the earth. 68 mm. diameter, with small tang, unpierced,
projecting at the North Pole. Weight, 410 grains Troy.
(London, Michael Mercator, 1589).
See illus. pp. 105, 180
A second copy of the Silver Map, without the cartouche bearing
the engraver's name and the date. This is the usual state of this
map, as known by all other examples. 1
The map is enclosed in an oval container of pressed horn, with
silver mounting, bearing on its cover the Drake coat of arms, with
Sir Francis' motto: "Sic parvis magna." This type of box was noticed
by Miller Christy in his study of the Silver Map: he shows that
they were being made by one John O'Brisset (or Obrisset) in 1713,
in the period when such a process was fashionable. 2 The
arms, here stamped in tortoiseshell softened by heat, are the ones
approved for Drake, but never in fact used by him, although adopted
by his successors at Buckland Abbey. 3
1. Cf. No. 58.
2. Miller Christy, The
Silver Map of Drake's Voyage (London, 1900), pp. 6-7.
3. [George W. Marshall], "The
Arms of Sir Francis Drake," in: The Genealogist , I (1877),
pp. 209-211; also The Herald and Genealogist , VIII, pp.
PASSE, CRISPIN VAN DE, THE ELDER, AND MATTHIAS QUAD. Effigies
Regum ac Principum, eorum scillicet, quorum vis et potentia in
re nautica seu marina prae ceteris spectabilis est...adiecte
sunt et imagines praestantissimorum ac maxim illustrium heroum,
quorum virtus et solertia in expeditionibus nauticis praecipue
claruit. 6 leaves of text. Engraved title with figure of
Neptune, and 18 portraits; added to this copy are four plates
of ships, and 2 plates of the celestial hemispheres. Folio. Half
See illus. pp. 38, 43
FIRST EDITION. This series of portraits, one of the finest works
of de Passe in this genre, is of considerable American interest,
as it includes engravings of the great navigators of the Renaissance
period, such as Columbus, Magellan, Vespucci, and Laudonnière.
The portrait of Drake is of especial interest: it is a close copy
of the smaller Hondius Drake portrait which in its first state
exists in only two copies (Royal Geographical Society, and Huntington
Library). 1 It depicts
him in bust, with a shield, and with a two-hemisphere terrestrial
map displaying the track of his circumnavigation. The portrait
of Thomas Cavendish is also very interesting; this is after the
Hondius engraving which was issued with his smaller Drake portrait.
It also exists only in two copies (Royal Geographical Society;
Ryksprentenkabinet, Amsterdam). It has a two-hemisphere map with
the track of Cavendish's circumnavigation. 2
The epigrammatic verses in Latin beneath each portrait in this
series were written by Matthias Quad, the scholar-cartographer,
as stated on the title. Quad also wrote the 12 pages of text, which
is interesting from several points of view. He dearly states that
the Hondius map of the Drake and Cavendish voyages was published
at Amsterdam. Hind had surmised this, though he lists it among
the engravings of Hondius' English period. 3 Quad
mentions Cavendish's command of a ship in Sir Richard Grenville's
voyage to Virginia in 1585, and states that he himself being then
in London, saw the two Virginia Indians whom Grenville brought
Certain copies of this work, including the present one, have
some added plates bound in. These are not signed by de Passe (as
are the title and 18 portraits), and are not included among his
work in Hollstein's authoritative list; nor are they mentioned
on the title, nor in Quad's text, which refers only to the portraits.
The work is therefore complete as collated above.
Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts ,
XV, p. 284, no. 850; Hind, Engraving in England , I,
281, no. (1); Sabin 58995 (wrong collation).
1. See the description of
the discovery of the R.G.S. example in a contemporary map collection: Geographical
Journal , LXXV (1930), p. 1 and plate.
2. A.M. Hind, Engraving
in England , I, pp. 157-158, nos. 1 and 2.
3. Hind, I, p. 173, no. 21.
4. Cf. D. B. Quinn (ed.), The
Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 , I, pp. 14, 16, 116, 137, 174-175,
BURGHLEY, WILLIAM CECIL, LORD. Portrait,
in oil colors, on a wood panel. 585 x 485 mm. Framed.
England, second half of the 16th century.
See illus. p. 47
A portrait of the great Lord Burghley in middle age. He was Queen
Elizabeth's secretary from 1558 to 1572 and Lord Treasurer from
1572 to his death in 1598, this portrait being evidently from the
latter period. It has been examined by experts, and found to be
clearly of Burghley's era, and in fine condition. The inscription "William
Lo: Bur-leighe Lorde Tr?r of Englande" is genuine and contemporary.
A portrait exists in St. John's College, Cambridge (Burghley's
alma mater) which closely resembles the present one, though it
is somewhat extended to the right and below; the left hand is shown
holding gloves, and there is a column and window right, with Burghley's
arms on the column. The features of the St. John's portrait have,
however, a somewhat idealized and quasi-hieratic aspect which shows
that it is more remote from the original than this one, if in fact
the present panel is not itself the original. This is an excellent
example of one of the only two basic types of portrait known of
Elizabeth's greatest minister.
See reproduction of the St. John's College portrait in Conyers
Read, Lord Burghley and Queen Elizabeth , 1960; James
L. Caw, "The portraits of the Cecils," in: (T. C. and E. C. Jack,
publishers; also editors?) William Cecil, Lord Burghley (London,
1904), pp. 91-105.